Thursday, May 25, 2017

2017.05.45

Rudolf Wachter (ed.), Töpfer - Maler - Schreiber: Inschriften auf attischen Vasen. Akten des Kolloquiums vom 20. bis 23. September 2012 an den Universitäten Lausanne und Basel / Potiers - peintres - scribes: inscriptions sur vases attiques. Actes du colloque tenu aux Universités de Lausanne et de Bâle du 20 au 23 septembre 2012 / Potters - painters - scribes: inscriptions on Attic vases. Proceedings of the colloquium held at the University of Lausanne and Basel from 20th to 23rd September 2012, Akanthus proceedings 4. Kilchberg; Zürich: Akanthus Verlag für Archäologie, 2016. Pp. 167. ISBN 9783905083378. €50.00.

Reviewed by Mariachiara Franceschini, University of Zürich (mariachiara.franceschini@archaeologie.uzh.ch)

Version at BMCR home site

[Authors and titles are listed at the end of the review.]

L´indagine delle iscrizioni vascolari è rimasta per lungo tempo una tematica di secondo piano all´interno degli studi ceramografici, salvo poi risvegliare, a partire dagli anni ´80, un nuovo interesse scientifico e stimolare un continuo e proficuo sviluppo della ricerca, di cui questo volume presenta un valido esempio.1 Esso raccoglie, infatti, gli atti del colloquio internazionale Inscriptions sur vases attiques – Attische Vaseninschriften, organizzato da Rudolf Wachter (anche editore del libro in questione) e tenutosi nelle Università di Losanna e Basilea tra il 20 e il 23 settembre 2012. Il convegno si contestualizza all´interno del progetto AVI (Attic Vase Inscriptions / Attische Vaseninschriften), nato per continuare e incrementare il Corpus of Attic Vase Inscriptions (CAVI) iniziato da Henry R. Immerwahr che, ora in forma di database disponibile online, costituisce un utile e ben strutturato strumento teso ad agevolare e ad approfondire gli studi relativi alle numerose iscrizioni sulla ceramica attica.

Come, giustamente, sottolinea Wachter all´inizio del suo intervento (p. 142), trattare le iscrizioni presenti sui vasi greci implica il coinvolgimento di disparati ambiti di ricerca. Tale approccio interdisciplinare viene coerentemente rispettato dalla composizione del volume in cui le innumerevoli potenzialità offerte dalla trattazione delle iscrizioni vengono chiaramente alla luce nei diversi contributi, mentre le molteplici tematiche godono complessivamente di pari visibilità. Le iscrizioni possono essere analizzate in relazione all´immagine che accompagnano, integrando così la rappresentazione dal punto di vista esegetico e concorrendo alla decodificazione del suo contenuto narrativo (Georg Simon Gerleigner; Jan-Matthias Müller). La presenza di iscrizioni contribuisce altresì ad arricchire la nostra conoscenza prosopografica di pittori, vasai e delle loro botteghe (Kristine Gex; Cécile Jubier-Galinier; Adrienne Lezzi-Hafter; Rudolf Wachter), e ad approfondire l´analisi delle dinamiche economiche nell´antichità (Alan Johnston). Le iscrizioni sono, infine, importanti attestazioni che permettono di arricchire le nostre conoscenze anche del campo della filologia, della storia della lingua e della scrittura greca, della dialettologia e della tradizione letteraria (Georg Simon Gerleigner; Angelos P. Matthaiou; Leslie Threatte; Rudolf Wachter).

I nove interventi raccolti negli atti (delle dieci relazioni presentate al convegno) sono redatti in diverse lingue (inglese, tedesco e francese) da ricercatori attivi a livello internazionale.

Il primo contributo (di Georg Simon Gerleigner) prende in esame la ricostruzione e l´analisi di una versione finora sconosciuta del noto enigma della Sfinge riscontrata su alcuni frammenti di un´hydria a figure nere della collezione Chan di Basel. Puntualmente l´autore considera filologicamente il testo, proponendone in parte una nuova lettura e confrontandolo con diverse testimonianze a noi note dalla tradizione letteraria del mito in questione, e giunge così alla conclusione che il pittore avesse conoscenza di molteplici redazioni, di cui avrebbe volutamente presentato una versione abbreviata. Il pittore, nota giustamente Gerleigner, si serve di una particolare strategia compositiva, distribuendo e aggrovigliando le parole in modo da accentuare l´atmosfera concitata di tensione per l´esito della vicenda. In seguito al confronto con la decorazione del tondo della Kylix del Pittore di Edipo, l´autore riscontra concisamente come differenti forme vascolari, tecniche pittoriche e contesti possano influenzare la concezione dell ´immagine, rispondendo alle diverse esigenze del pubblico.

Otto lekythoi del Pittore del Cartellino sono prese in esame da Kristine Gex. Le lekythoi sono accomunate non solo dal tipo della forma vascolare, dallo stile e dagli elementi decorativi presenti sulla spalla, nonché da certe analogie compositive, ma anche dalla presenza del nome Doris, scritto sul mantello delle figure rappresentate in tutti gli esempi ad eccezione della lekythos eponima, che riporta Doris all´interno di un cartellino posto di fronte a una Nike corrente. Scartate, con argomenti convincenti, diverse ipotesi già proposte per motivare il nome di Douris su vasi non pertinenti a quel pittore e alla sua cerchia (quali la possibilità di vedere una firma falsificata a scopo di promozione commerciale), l´autrice propone una soluzione lineare, anche alla luce del tentativo deliberato di imitare lo stile di Douris, pur rimanendo il Pittore del Cartellino apparentemente estraneo alla sua bottega: le iscrizioni rappresenterebbero un omaggio a Douris, un segno di ammirazione personale nei confronti del noto ceramografo.

Alan Johnston analizza lo sviluppo cronologico e la distribuzione geografica dell´utilizzo e delle forme dei marchi di fabbrica presenti sulla ceramica decorata. I marchi di fabbrica si diffondono a partire dalla seconda metà dell´VIII secolo a. C. e acquistano sempre maggior importanza tra la fine del VII e la prima metà del VI secolo, soprattutto da ambito corinzio e greco orientale e con un ampio raggio di diffusione, mentre sulla ceramica attica non compaiono prima della metà del VI secolo. Dal terzo quarto del VI secolo l´autore nota una prima variazione nell´uso dei marchi che assumono forme sempre più individuali. Un cambiamento ben più radicale ha luogo nel V secolo, quando i marchi di fabbrica decrescono gradualmente e segnalano con maggiore frequenza il prezzo dei vasi, il cui raggio di diffusione e la tipologia delle forme vascolari si ampliano considerevolmente. Una quasi completa caduta in disuso si registra a seguire dalla metà del IV secolo.

L´uso delle iscrizioni nelle opere dei pittori della tarda produzione a figure nere è oggetto del contributo di Cécile Jubier-Galinier. In questa fase le iscrizioni, sebbene deliquescenti e di qualità spesso mediocre, divengono un elemento importante per la definizione dello stile. L´autrice se ne serve, quindi, per mettere in rilievo le caratteristiche salienti delle produzioni di alcuni ceramografi ed evidenziarne le differenze, riconoscendo così la disomogeneità del gruppo oggetto dell'indagine. Il Pittore di Emporion e il Pittore di Haimon non riescono ad appropriarsi in modo autonomo del mezzo della scrittura, che rimane come un residuo marginale e soprannumerario di un fenomeno ereditato passivamente. Il Pittore di Diosphos usa le iscrizioni in modo più attivo e consapevole, laddove l´introduzione di pseudo-iscrizioni è sintomatico di una semplificazione inevitabile della pratica. La produzione del Pittore di Saffo rivela invece un uso cosciente, ponderato e studiato della scrittura, da interpretarsi in stretto legame con la tradizione precedente.

Adrienne Lezzi-Hafter tratta la problematica giustificazione dell´aggettivo athenaios associato ai nomi dei vasai Phintias e Xenophantos, che si firmano l´uno su una lekythos a ghianda, l´altro su due squat-lekythoi, ribadendo la loro provenienza ateniese. L´autrice nota la pertinenza ateniese di argilla, caratteristiche, temi e sistemi decorativi delle lekythoi in questione e scarta così l´ipotesi, finora generalmente condivisa, che Xenophantos abbia trasferito la sua bottega nella penisola di Kertsch (luogo di provenienza dei suoi vasi) e che quindi nella firma volesse enfatizzare fuori dalla patria la sua provenienza ateniese, non potendo applicarsi a Phintias lo stesso ragionamento. Lezzi-Hafter propone di considerare piuttosto la firma come un segno di orgoglio per la realizzazione di prodotti di qualità fuori dal comune e, velatamente, come una dichiarazione della persistente attività delle botteghe ateniesi dopo gli anni della Guerra del Peloponneso.

Nel suo contributo, più prettamente filologico, Angelos P. Matthaiou intende ribadire la necessità di dedicarsi alla redazione di edizioni critiche di graffiti e dipinti sulla ceramica attica. Studiando dieci iscrizioni di diversa datazione, comprese tra il VI secolo e la metà del IV secolo a. C., l'autore dimostra l´utilità di tale approccio non solo come strumento di analisi linguistica e grammaticale del dialetto attico vernacolare, ma anche per l´onomastica e per la comprensione dell´etica ateniese del tempo. Tra le iscrizioni discusse, maggior attenzione è dedicata a una nuova proposta di lettura della nota e controversa iscrizione sull´oinochoe di Eurymedon.2

Di anomala lunghezza rispetto agli altri interventi, il contributo di Jan-Matthias Müller prende in esame le cosiddette Nonsense Inscriptions e le iscrizioni in cui compare un kalos. L´autore classifica entrambi i tipi all´interno di quattro categorie (extradiegetica, diegetica, intradiegetica e metadiegetica), da lui stesso definite e nelle quali propone di riconoscere quattro diverse tipologie funzionali di contenuto narrativo in cui distinguere le iscrizioni sulla ceramica attica. Il tentativo, seppur debole per certi versi,3 di applicare un approccio metodologico narratologico permette all´autore una puntuale rivalutazione di tali iscrizioni e del loro valore esegetico all´interno del sistema narrativo del vaso figurato. Riesaminate come elemento strutturale della narrazione visuale, Nonsense Inscriptions e iscrizioni con kalos esplicano, infatti, l´interazione non solo del vaso in sé e dell´immagine con l´osservatore esterno, ma anche tra le diverse figure rappresentate.

Leslie Threatte riflette sulle iscrizioni come evidenza del dialetto attico e analizza tre fenomeni linguistici dei quali intende verificare o disconoscere la pertinenza a forme prettamente dialettali. Il primo esempio riguarda l´omissione della nasale prima della consonante, da tempo considerato un fenomeno esclusivamente attico, che si dimostra invece essere diffuso più ampiamente in altri gruppi di dialetti tra loro non correlati e, quindi, genericamente nella lingua greca. L`uso di EIMI come prima persona singolare del verbo essere, contrapposto alla forma ionica EMI si rivela invece un´ortografia attica (al riguardo è dedicata anche l´appendice all´intervento). Più complesso l´utilizzo di ΧΣ e ΦΣ al posto di Ξ e Ψ, da considerarsi un fenomeno attico (altrimenti noto solamente in un altro dialetto appartenente allo stesso gruppo linguistico), fino al rinvenimento di eventuali altre evidenze.

Anche l´ultimo contributo del volume si concentra su tematiche specificatamente linguistiche e dialettologiche. Rudolf Wachter espone, dapprima, le problematiche che insorgono nella fase di transizione tra l´uso dell´alfabeto locale attico e l´introduzione di quello ionico, ufficialmente a partire dal 403/402 a. C., ma già in parte diffuso nel corso del V secolo. Assodato poi il ricorrere di errori nelle iscrizioni, è possibile, analizzandoli, verificare la competenza scrittoria dei ceramografi, il che porta nel caso di Makron, per esempio, a pensare a problemi di legastenia. L´autore dimostra, inoltre, come l´analisi delle iscrizioni permetta di riconoscere i cambiamenti e la distribuzione storica dell´uso di diverse forme di uno stesso nome e quindi di tracciarne tanto l´evoluzione cronologica quanto la distribuzione geografica. Analogamente Wachter riscontra nelle iscrizioni l´influenza di un registro letterario e propone la dipendenza di determinate forme diffuse tra la fine del VI secolo e la metà del V secolo a. C. dalla lirica corale, che vive in quegli anni il periodo di maggiore fioritura.

La pubblicazione ha il pregio di toccare tutte le tematiche che interessano le iscrizioni attiche e di mostrare il valore e gli esiti proficui del dialogo tra diverse discipline degli studi di antichistica. Il volume presenta così non solo un efficace compendio di ampio respiro sulla situazione attuale degli studi relativi alle iscrizioni vascolari, ma si propone al contempo come uno stimolo a sfruttare il vasto potenziale della tematica e a proseguirne la ricerca.

La pubblicazione risulta di agevole consultazione, grazie anche agli apparati di concordanze e all'indice in chiusura del volume, nonché alla presentazione delle singole liste bibliografiche al termine di ogni intervento; il volume è di buona qualità, sia dal punto di vista redazionale che per quanto riguarda le immagini.

Table of Contents

Rudolf Wachter, "Vorwort des Herausgebers"
Abgekürzt zitierte Literatur (p. 8)
Georg Simon Gerleigner, "Das Rätsel der Sphinx in Schwarz und Rot" (p. 9)
Kristine Gex, "Admirers of Douris in Athens and elsewhere: the Cartellino Painter" (p. 29)
Alan Johnston, "Trademarks, West... and East. A diachronic approach" (p. 43)
Cécile Jubier-Galinier, "Des inscriptions et des peintres: l'utilisation de l'écriture chez les peintres à figures noires tardives" (p. 55)
Adrienne Lezzi-Hafter, "Athenaios epoiesen" (p. 79)
Angelos P. Matthaiou, "Notes on a few Attic Vase Inscriptions" (p. 87)
Jan-Matthias Müller, "Schöner Nonsens, sinnloses Kalos? Ein Strukturvergleich zweier anpassungsfähiger Inschriftenformen der attischen Vasenmalerei" (p. 97)
Leslie Threatte, "Attic Dipinti: A trove of evidence for the attic dialect" (p. 131)
Rudolf Wachter, "Attische Vaseninschriften im Spannungsfeld zwischen Alphabet, Dialekt und Literatur" (p. 141)
Konkordanz und Indizes (p. 153)


Notes:


1.   A conferma dell´interesse di cui gode la tematica in anni recenti, si ricorda un altro volume di altrettanto recente pubblicazione, d´impostazione più prettamente archeologica ed esteso all´ambito apulo e corinzio: D. Yatromanolakis (ed.), Epigraphy of Art. Ancient Greek Vase-Inscriptions and Vase-Paintings (Oxford 2016).
2.   Una diversa e più convincente proposta interpretativa viene presentata da Gerleigner in: "Tracing Letters on the Eurymedon Vase. On the Importance of Placement of Vase-Inscriptions", in: D. Yatromanolakis (ed.), Epigraphy of Art. Ancient Greek Vase-Inscriptions and Vase-Paintings (Oxford 2016) 165–184.
3.   Tuttavia, l´analisi guadagnerebbe da una presa di distanza dalle classiche definizioni di narrazione (Himmelmann e Giuliani, pp. 124–127) e da una più approfondita considerazione di teorie semiotiche e narratologiche che da tempo sono applicate anche in ambito archeologico – ad es. M. D. Stansbury-O'Donnell, Pictorial Narrative in Ancient Greek Art (Cambridge 1999) – a cui l´autore accenna (Lorenz e Steiner, p. 101), ma di cui non si serve nell´analisi conclusiva.

(read complete article)

2017.05.44

Stephanie Lynn Budin, Jean MacIntosh Turfa (ed.), Women in Antiquity: Real Women across the Ancient World. Rewriting antiquity. London; New York: Routledge, 2016. Pp. xxxvi, 1074. ISBN 9781138808362. $240.00.

Reviewed by Judith Lynn Sebesta, University of South Dakota (jsebesta@usd.edu)

Version at BMCR home site

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[Authors and titles are listed at the end of the review.]

This substantial volume is the third published in Routledge's Rewriting Antiquity series. Its seventy-four essays are arranged in ten sections, viz. Mesopotamia, Egypt, the Hittites, Cyprus, the Levant and Carthage, the Aegean (Bronze Age and historical), Etruria and the Italian archipelago, Rome, cultures outside the Mediterranean ("At the edges"), and a Coda ("Continuities in rape and tyranny in martial societies from antiquity onward"). Most sections are preceded by short introductions that give an overview of the history of the region and its culture(s). Rome's overview, however, is included in the introduction to Etruria and the Italian archipelago; it is a single short paragraph, accompanied by five dates indicating Rome's major governmental changes (e.g. "Republic") and a longer list of dates forming "A few landmarks of Roman history" (745-746). A map accompanies each introduction except for the sections on Etruria and the Italian archipelago, Rome, and the Coda. (Readers are referred to the Mesopotamian map for the sections on the Hittites, and the Levant and Carthage; that city, however, does not appear on this map.) Each essay is followed by a bibliography and there is a detailed index to the volume. Two hundred twenty B&W images illustrate the essays.

In the brief, general introduction Budin explains that her dissatisfaction with existing volumes on women in antiquity lay in their focusing almost exclusively on Greece and Rome and, secondly, their concentration on "literary characters, fictional constructs invented by men mostly for other men." (1). Turfa emphasizes the range of topics that concern the lives of real women in this volume: e.g. female administration, motherhood, health, family traditions, social power, religious life, bioarchaeology, work and economic life, status in society, female royalty and leaders, violence against women, ethnic dress, and women living in military and other settlements (2-3). As the range of topics, geography, and timeline is so great, I will review several papers focusing on one theme common to many of the sections: women and economic life.

The paper of Louise Steel ("The social and economic roles played by the women of Alashiya" [Cyprus]) is one that I would have assigned my class on women in antiquity because of her nuanced use of material culture to interpret women's lives. Aside from the brief encounter of the shipwrecked Egyptian priest Wenamun with the princess Hatiba at the end of the Late Bronze Age, we have no texts from Cyprus or elsewhere regarding Cypriot culture. Steel cautions, "One of the problems we face when trying to establish gender roles in ancient communities is essentialist assumptions, namely unquestioningly imposing certain roles, activities, and practices...according to assumed universals of male/female biology and experience" (387). For example, the bronze four-sided stand from Enkomi Tomb 97 is decorated with the "women at the window" motif, generally interpreted as referring to temple prostitution. Steel points out that temple prostitution and sacralization of sex is increasingly controversial, and we should regard it more likely as evidence of women's participation (as priestesses, perhaps) in temple cult. A second example is the interpretation of the signet rings found in a rich burial of a young woman: is it correct to read the name on these rings as her husband's based on an assumption that women were illiterate and could not own property? Or should we allow for the possibility that, as such rings were "personalized items conveying concepts of ownership, power, and authority, ...the woman...would have used this object in her own right to authorize transactions and mark her property"? Perhaps these rings are evidence that at least one woman was able to write and read her own name (394).

The usefulness of seals in reconstructing women's lives is also shown in two papers in the Mesopotamia section. One area of the palace, interpreted as the administrative locus for the queen, produced a number of items with sealings naming Queen Uqnitum and two of her important servants, Zamena, the royal wet- nurse, and Tuli, the royal cook. Marilyn Kelly-Bucellati ("Women's power and work in ancient Urkesh," [Tell Mozan, northeastern Syria]) points out that the seals' distinctive iconography suggests that the designs were invented to serve the queen, who came from the Akkadian court in the south. One type of seal is interpreted as the queen indicating her will that her son be designated the crown prince: she is shown sitting opposite the king and holding a young child on her lap, while another child touches the lap of the king. Her daughter is shown on another seal in a similar motif of lap touching, perhaps indicating the daughter's future role in an inter-dynastic marriage (53). Other distinctive seals of Uqnitum sharing a similar design are interpreted as establishing the authority of various administrators under her supervision. For example, Zamena is shown holding the wrist and touching the lap of a child seated on Uqnitum's lap. Kelly-Bucellati suggests that Uqnitum (and others of the court, including the king) "successfully created a unique system of personal identification and evidence of power" and so became "a focal point of new ideas not found in the Mesopotamian south nor western Syria in this time period or before" (61).

In the other paper, "Businesswomen and their seals in early Mesopotamia," Andrew McCarthy points out that despite the capabilities of women in accounting, production, and business negotiations, they lived in a world controlled by men; yet under certain circumstances they could rise in rank and gain more independence (102). Most women worked in and for a family business. Their seals, however, were inscribed with their names and reveal not only that they engaged in trade with customers outside their household, but also that they could guarantee transactions for a third party (103). Other seals indicate that women served as supervisors in state administration, overseeing work crews of up to twenty women.

Some aspects of the lives of Hittite women, who also lived within the constraints of a patriarchal society, are delineated in a collection of two hundred laws discussed by Trevor R. Bryce ("The role and status of women in Hittite society"). The reigning queen, called the Tawananna, had mainly a religious role as Chief Priestess, which she held for life. One Tawananna apparently used her power against the king, who issued a law that no one should speak of her or her children under penalty of having his throat cut and body hung on his house gate (304). Other laws, though more in the nature of guidelines, covered contentious situations in arranging marriages and dealing with elopement or divorce. Such legal guidelines also dealt with marriages between or with slaves, including women that marry slaves; Bryce interprets one law as indicating that the male slave's payment of a bride price legitimized his marriage with a free woman (312-313). Laws protected women available for hire for seasonal farm work, or for weaving, cooking, baking: e.g. a female harvester had a stipulated wage for three months' work (315).

Even fuller information on Athenian women's presence in the cash economy of Classical Athens enables Edward E. Cohen's investigation into the societal values that promoted their participation in the business economy ("The Athenian businesswoman"). Drawing upon inscriptions, whether publishing state documents or personal information, and literary sources such as forensic speeches, he finds that the Athenian conceptualization of andreia, which restricted male citizens from business enterprises, promoted women's participation in such (715). As manager of the household, the wife had the responsibility for all its revenues and expenditures, and, even when widowed, could manage it on behalf of her adult son, handling family banking businesses, factories, and marketing. Some women acted as creditors or suppliers of building materials, others worked as doctors, or midwives, or manufacturers. Despite the legal requirement that women have a male relative acting as her guardian in legal transactions, Cohen finds that women in the fourth century were recognized as true property owners, and some had the status of "self-representative" (717).

In "Roman women in the urban economy: occupations, social connections, and gendered exclusions," Hilary Becker enumerates the various lines of work (midwives, food or luxury retail, production of cloth and perfume, etc.) well known from inscriptions and reliefs. However, there were social restrictions on what lines of commerce women could enter. One restriction was from collegia, guilds that served different trades, because such guilds were socio-political clubs, and women were excluded from voting or running for office. Elite women, however, did function as patrons of guilds, bestowing their prestige and funds to the members (923-924). On the other hand, women could serve as institutores, or intermediaries, managing apartment buildings, for example, or leasing ships and arranging for cargoes (924).

One paper, Judith Swaddling's "Seianti Hanna Tlesnasa: an Etruscan aristocrat" deals with a specific woman. As I have several times admired her well-known, lovely sarcophagus in the British Museum, this paper personally interested me. Swaddling analyzes Seianti's tomb and sarcophagus, along with her grave goods of silver toiletry items, which clearly indicate her wealth and high status. The jewelry adorning her terracotta image, like her himation and chiton, show that Seianti followed Greek fashions. Inside her sarcophagus was her almost complete skeleton that gives clues to significant health events in her life. Analysis revealed that she was significantly shorter than her nearly two meter image, had borne at least one child, and suffered from dental abscesses, arthritis, and slight scoliosis. Her right side and her face had received a great traumatic blow when she was about fifteen to twenty years old, resulting in difficulty in eating and possibly speaking. Facial reconstruction shows that the terracotta image presents a significantly younger Seianti, with only slight, if that, indication of her facial injuries, but it is definitely a portrait of this woman, making it perhaps one of the earliest, if not the earliest, of realistic Etruscan portraits (775-776).

This valuable collection of papers reveals the multifarious ways ancient women participated at all levels of their societies. Of particular value is, first, its inclusion of cultures usually overlooked in other collections of essays (the Celtic, Scandinavian, Hittite), second, its temporal spread from the early Bronze Age well into the Iron Age, and, third, its focus on archaeological realia, documents, inscriptions and the like, rather than on male-authored literature for male-audience consumption. This collection of papers is an essential library resource for programs in gender studies, ancient studies, and archaeology.

Table of Contents

General Introduction
Part I: Mesopotamia
Introduction (5-8)
Stephanie Lynn Budin—"Female sexuality in Mesopotamia" (9-24)
M. Erica Couto-Ferreira—"Being mothers or acting (like) mothers? Constructing motherhood in ancient Mesopotamia" (25-34)
Claudia E. Suter—"Images of queens, high priestesses, and other elite women in third-millennium Mesopotamia" (35-47)
Marilyn Kelly-Buccellati—"Women's power and work in Ancient Urkesh" (48-63)
Alhena Gadotti—"Mesopotamian women's cultic roles in late 3rd – early 2nd millennia BCE" (64-76)
Josué J. Justel—"Women, gender and law at the dawn of history: The evidence of the cuneiform sources" (77-100)
Andrew McCarthy—"Businesswomen and their seals in early Mesopotamia" (101-112)
Anna-Isabelle Langlois—"The female tavern-keeper in Mesopotamia: some aspects of daily life" (113-125)
Saana Svärd—"Neo-Assyrian elite women" (126-137)
Janet Monge and Page Selinsky—"Patterns of violence against women in the Iron Age town of Hasanlu, Solduz Valley, Iran" (138-155)
Maria Brosius—"No reason to hide: women in the Neo-Elamite and Persian Periods" (156-174)

Part II: Egypt
Introduction (175-180)
Rosalie David—"Understanding the lives of Ancient Egyptian women: the contribution of physical anthropology" (181-193)
Marc Orriols-Llonch—"Women's role in sexual intercourse in ancient Egypt" (194-203)
Erika Feucht—"Motherhood in Pharaonic Egypt" (204-217)
Suzanne Onstine—"Women's participation in the religious hierarchy of Ancient Egypt" (218-228)
Jan Picton—"Living and working in a New Kingdom 'harem town'" (229-242)
Deborah Sweeney—"Women at Deir el-Medîna" (243-254)
Katharina Zinn—"Women in Amarna: legendary royals, forgotten elite, unknown populace?" (255-270)
Joyce Tyldesley—"The role of Egypt's dynastic queens" (271-279)
Jacke Phillips—"Women in Ancient Nubia" (280-298)

Part III: Hittites
Introduction (299-302)
Trevor R. Bryce—"The role and status of women in Hittite society" (303-318)
Gary Beckman—"Birth and motherhood among the Hittites" (319-328)
Billie Jean Collins—"Women in Hittite religion" (329-341)

Part IV: Cyprus
Introduction (343-347)
Kirsi O. Lorentz—"Real bones, real women, real lives: bioarchaeology and osteobiographies of women in ancient Cyprus" (349-360)
Stephanie Lynn Budin—"Maternity in Ancient Cyprus" (361-374)
Jennifer M. Webb—"Women at home and in the community in prehistoric Bronze Age Cyprus" (375-385)
Louise Steel—"The social and economic roles played by the women of Alashiya" (386-398)
Nancy Serwint—"Women and the art of Ancient Cyprus" (399-415)
Joanna S. Smith—"Women in the cities of Cyprus: rulers and urban dwellers from the Late Bronze Age to the Hellenistic period" (416-433)

Part V: The Levant and Carthage
Introduction (435-440)
Patrick M. Michel—"Functions and personalities of 'Syrian' priestesses in the Bronze Age: priestesses at Mari, Emar, and Ugarit"(441-452)
Marguerite Yon—"Women's daily lives in Late Bronze Age Ugarit (2nd millennium BCE)" (453-464)
Jennie Ebeling—"Women's daily life in Bronze Age Canaan" (465-475)
Kevin M. McGeough—"'Will womankind now be hunting?': The work and economic lives of women at Late Bronze Age Ugarit" (476-487)
Carol Meyers—"Women's daily life (Iron Age Israel)" (488-500)
Assaf Yasur-Landau—"Women in Philistia: the archaeological record of the Iron Age" (501-510)
Carol Meyers—"Women's religious life (Iron Age Israel)" (511-520)
Peggy L. Day—"'Until I come and take you away to a land like your own:' a gendered look at siege warfare and mass deportation" (521-532)
Meritxell Ferrer Martin and Kathryn Lafrenz Samuels —"Women's ritual practice in the western Phoenician and Punic world" (533-551)

Part VI: The Aegean, Bronze Age and historical
Introduction (553-560)
John Prag—"From the Caves of the Wind to Mycenae rich in gold: the faces of Minoan and Mycenaean women" (561-572)
John Younger—"Minoan Women" (573-594)
Stephanie Lynn Budin—"Maternity in the Bronze Age Aegean" (595-607)
Cécile Boëlle-Weber—"i-je-re-ja, ka-ra-wi-po-ro and others... women in Mycenaean religion" (608-617)
Cynthia W. Shelmerdine—"Women in the Mycenaean economy" (618-634)
Brendan Burke—"Beyond Penelope: women and the role of textiles in Early Greece" (635-646)
Sherry C. Fox—"The bioarchaeology of women in Greek antiquity" (647-659)
James Whitley—"Women in Early Iron Age and Archaic Greece: a view from the grave" (660-672)
Yurie Hong—"Mothering in Ancient Athens: class, identity, and experience" (673-682)
Matthew P. J. Dillon—"'Chrysis the Hiereia having placed a lighted torch near the garlands then fell asleep (Thucydides Iv.133.2).' priestesses serving the gods and goddesses in Classical Greece" (683-702)
Allison Glazebrook—"Prostitutes, women, and gender in Ancient Greece" (703-713)
Edward E. Cohen—"The Athenian businesswoman" (714-725)
Gillian Ramsey—"Hellenistic women and the law: agency, identity and community" (726-738)

Part VII: Etruria and the Italian archipelago
Introduction (739-747)
Fulvia Lo Schiavo and Matteo Milletti—"The Nuragic women: facts and hypotheses " (749-768)
Judith Swaddling—"Seianti Hanunia Tlesnasa: an Etruscan aristocrat" (769-780)
Larissa Bonfante—"Motherhood in Etruria" (781-796)
Jean MacIntosh Turfa—"Health and medicine for Etruscan women" (797-809)
Gilda Bartoloni and Federica Pitzalis—"Etruscan marriage "(810-819)
Gilda Bartoloni and Federica Pitzalis—"The wife of the princely families in Etruria" (820-829)
Ingrid E. M. Edlund-Berry—"To give and to receive: the role of women in Etruscan sanctuaries"(830-843)
Margarita Gleba—"Women and textile production in pre-Roman Italy" (844-851)
Maria Anna De Lucia Brolli and Jacopo Tabolli—"The Ager Faliscus and its women" (852-864)
Camilla Norman—"Daunian women: costume and actions commemorated in stone" (865-876)
Enrico Benelli—"Female slaves and slave-owners in ancient Etruria" (877-882)

Part VIII: Rome
Lena Larsson Lovén—"Roman motherhood" (885-894)
Emily Hemelrijk—"Women's daily life in the Roman west" (895-904)
Fanny Dolansky—"Strained relations, gender differences, and domestic ideals: the significance of two Roman family festivals" (905-914)
Hilary Becker—"Roman women in the urban economy: occupations, social connections, and gendered exclusions" (915-931)
Linnea Åshede—"A demanding supply: prostitutes in the Roman world" (932-941)
Elizabeth M. Greene—"Identities and social roles of women in military settlements in the Roman west" (942-953)
Anna McCullough—"Female gladiators in the Roman Empire" (954-963)

Part XI: At the edges
Introduction (965-967)
Adrienne Mayor— "Warrior women: the archaeology of Amazons" (969-985)
Lourdes Prados Torreira— "Women in Iberian culture: sixth-first centuries B.C.E." (986-1007)
Miranda Aldhouse-Green— "Viragos and virgins: women in the Celtic world" (1008-1026)
Nancy L. Wicker— "Women in the Roman Iron Age (A.D. 0–400) in Scandinavia" (1027-1038)

Part X: Coda
Kathy L. Gaca—"Continuities in rape and tyranny in martial societies from antiquity onward" (1041-1056)
(read complete article)

2017.05.43

Lieve Donnellan, Valentino Nizzo, Gert-Jan Burgers (ed.), Conceptualising Early Colonisation. Artes, 6. Bruxelles: Belgisch Historisch Insituut te Rome, 2016. Pp. 246. ISBN 9789074461825. €75.00 (pb).

Reviewed by Stefanos Gimatzidis, Austrian Academy of Sciences (stefanos.gimatzidis@oeaw.ac.at)

Version at BMCR home site

[Authors and titles are listed at the end of the review.]
[The review of the first volume of essays from the "Contextualizing early Colonization" conference is at BMCR 2017.05.42.]

This is the second volume presenting the papers given in the international conference 'Contextualising early Colonisation: Archaeology, Sources, and Interpretative Models between Italy and the Mediterranean', which was held in Rome from 21–23 June 2012. The editors saved the theoretical part of that discussion for this book after having published a first volume of papers that treat material culture and related issues such as chronology; a third online volume presents the posters from the conference. Lieve Donnellan and Valentino Nizzo, two of the editors, elaborate in the introduction of the book on the theoretical perspectives of Greek colonisation. They put forward the goal of their endeavour, which is to contextualise 'colonisation' archaeologically, historically, and methodologically. The grouping of the more interpretative treatments of Greek colonisation into the categories of 'revisionist' and 'traditionalist' approaches in this volume makes it immediately clear what this book is about.

Scholars familiar with the topic know that during the last two decades, the traditional perception of early Greek colonisation has been called into question. Some of the main disputed issues have been the structure and organisation—if any—of the early "colonial" enterprises and the sociopolitical organisation of the early colonial settlements, which mainly includes the relationship between what have been indiscriminately called 'Greeks' and 'Natives'. Terminology was put under scrutiny, and biases that emerged due to the perception of that phenomenon through a modern European colonialist perspective were highlighted. On the one hand, I think there is by now a consensus that the traditional perception of Greek colonisation as it has been established in European historiography is at least partly a projection of modern ideologies, purposes, and desires. On the other hand, the feeling is that in some cases the 'c' phenomenon of Greek history is being perceived and criticised as an epitome of European colonialism and imperialism. It is usually overlooked that the study of Greek colonisation relates to the Zeitgeist—as in the case of other topics of human history—that defines scholarly methods and approaches. For this reason, I think that although labels such as 'revisionist' and 'traditionalist' help newcomers orient themselves in this debate, they ultimately obscure rather than facilitate the reader's appreciation of this book and its valuable outcomes.

The debate opens with the papers of Robin Osborne and Irad Malkin, two historians who have made major contributions to the topic. Robin Osborne keeps pace with his 'revisionist' perception of Greek colonisation already expressed in a groundbreaking paper almost two decades ago and rejects the term 'colonisation' for the early Greek enterprises.1 He attributes the modern scholarly practice of referring to 'Greek colonisation' instead, for example, to 'Sicilian colonists of Corinth' to notions of cultural superiority and makes a plea for the use of the more neutral term migration instead of colonisation, which implies state organised missions.

Irad Malkin, on the other hand, presents in a theoretically robust paper a revision of this 'revisionist' approach. He calls for a careful reading of all available data, comprising archaeological evidence, ancient literature, and nomima, towards the interpretation of Greek colonisation. The corpus of data is enormous and demands an interdisciplinary approach. Malkin's criticism about earlier revisions is quite harsh, but appropriate in the sense that some of them are far from having drawn their outcomes from a comprehensive data analysis and systematic argumentation. Malkin defends organised colonisation, which he has studied in the past though several perspectives, most recently by means of network theory; he perceives colonisation as a continuum from individual enterprises to politically organised communities already in the 8th century BC. Most interesting is the conceptualisation of apoikia not as migration, but rather as organised emigration with emphasis on the departure from the oikos—the household —that connects the Archaic period with the Early Iron Age.

Jonathan Hall discusses Greek ethnic identity, a favorite and previously much discussed issue of his. He presents a new synthesis that restrains the colonial movement's role in the development of the Greek consciousness, which he largely dates to the 6th century BC. Hall concludes that the name Hellenes was not used as an ethnic before the 6th century BC and regards the earlier appearance of the name Panhellenes as an indicator of diversity rather than unity. He further downplays the role of Delphi in Greek colonisation and rejects the existence of the altar for Apollo Archegetes next to Naxos as a focus and expression of the early Greek colonial network.

Arianna Esposito and Airton Pollini undertake a short review of studies of colonial encounters and related postcolonial concepts and discuss modern scholarly biases and divides, especially between English- and French-speaking scholarship. They comment on alternative terms to 'colonisation' and conclude that although anachronistic, comparison between ancient and modern colonisation is important for historians.

Guilia Saltini Semerari discusses intermarriages—a hot issue in Greek colonisation. She challenges the traditional culture-historical perspective that oversimplified the archaeological record by recognizing intermarriages in the local pottery and fibulae types in 'colonial' necropolises and instead undertakes a study based on gender theory. Three possible scenarios with emphasis on variability are addressed for the development of intermarriages and their social implications. I would add that what is still missing from 'colonial' necropolises are bio-archaeological data including strontium isotope analyses, which could highlight exogamies, intermarriages between different communities etc.

Roland Étienne comments on two mainstream concepts that emerged out of a recent debate over long-term historical processes in the Mediterranean: 'connectivity' by Peregrine Horden and Nicolas Purcell, and 'growth' by Walter Scheidel, Ian Morris and Richard Saller. After having critically examined their applicability to the colonial setting as it was conceived by the scholars who introduced them, he questions their significance for the current debate and reminds us of the original multi-dimensional, long-term perspective of the great historian Fernand Braudel.

Franco De Angelis argues for a more holistic approach to ancient colonisation that would bridge different disciplines such as classical and prehistoric archaeology, which traditionally focus on different topics (the colonial and colonised factor respectively), and would bring together different scholarly traditions and methods. De Angelis proposes the creation of a third field that would be neither 'Greek' nor 'Native', following the North American example of frontier history; he further stresses the need for a broader theoretical perspective and introduces the economic take-off theory as most suitable for the interpretation of the development of the Western Greek cities.

The crucial issue of chronology and its implications for Greek colonisation are further examined by Valentino Nizzo. The Thucydidian chronology of the Greek foundations in Italy has formed the basis of Greek chronology for the Late Geometric and early Archaic periods, which was consequently established as the mainstream chronological system in the Mediterranean. However, this well-established Greek chronology barely takes into consideration the developments—by means of radiocarbon dating for the periods not affected by the so-called Hallstatt Plateau and dendrochronology—in Central Europe and the correlations with the 'native' northern and central Italy chronological systems, or the revisions of chronology in the Near East.

Mariassunta Cuozzo and Carmine Pellegrino examine the material culture of the site at Monte Vetrano in Campania through a subaltern perspective. In their attempt to trace cultural strategies of resistance or reception, they try to avoid the trap of cultural-historical reasoning by undertaking a holistic study of the material culture.

Looking for 'Greeks' and 'Natives' by means of artefact types in the excavated domestic or mortuary material culture in the Mediterranean 'colonial' landscapes has always been tempting and is still a starting point for some studies applying network analyses. Owain Morris engages a network type that focuses on the strength of ties and concludes that in the colonial network the Greeks were the 'weak ties' in Italy that bridged the local 'cliques', i.e. communities connected via strong ties.

Lieve Donnellan undertakes a thorough analysis of the Pithekoussan necropolis after a comprehensive discussion of network theory. She applies a type of two-mode network, the 'affiliation network', and uses it to evaluate a large databank comprising all burial goods from the already-published part of the Pithekoussai necropolis. There are several interesting results presented regarding the Tyrrhenian, Euboean, Corinthian, Syrian etc. cultural implications of the necropolis; most intriguing is the historical appraisal of the earliest phases of the necropolis that speaks for an original indigenous community, which attracted, soon after its foundation, people of Levantine and Aegean origin.

After so many years of archaeological research in the so-called protohistoric Italian landscape, we are still largely missing the domestic part of early colonial material culture. With a few exceptions in Sicily and even fewer around the Gulf of Taranto and in Campania, early colonies are mainly known through their necropolises. The city of Megara Hyblaea is one of the very few well-excavated and published settlements. Henri Trésiny offers a concise overview of the earlier phases of the urban development of that city. If its urban development really began at the end of the 8th century and was in some part completed in the 7th century BC, as the French scholars and excavators suggest, then it may be that Greek urbanisation actually began at what one may regard as the Greek 'periphery', that is the Western Greek cities as well as the Ionian cities on the western coast of Asia Minor.

The secondary colonization at the Straights of Messina, referring to colonies founded according to the literary evidence by or with the involvement of earlier colonial establishments, such as Zancle and Rhegion, are the focus of the paper by Flavia Frisone. The conclusion of her study on the Chalcidian colonisation in Sicily points to organised and structured, but also variable colonial processes.

Emanuele Greco focuses on two interesting aspects of the early material culture in the colonial landscape of Italy: the large dimension of public places and some conspicuous extra-urban sanctuaries with temples erected for Hera in the choras of each one of four major colonies (Sybaris, Croton, Metapontion and Poseidonia). The latter may have been perceived and functioned as markers of their common Achaean identity. The fact that the earliest indication of cult at these sanctuaries dates during the earlier colonial phases of the settlements indicates that this is an early cultural pattern rather than a forged feature of a later period for the construction of a new identity.

Despite the predominantly ceramic-based evidence from the colonies on the Basilicata coast and the Salento peninsula, Douwe Yntema successfully integrates all available evidence on burial rites and domestic architecture in a synthetic study that presents a tripartite reconstruction of early Greek colonisation. This begins with an early phase of random enterprises, which was followed by organised commodity exchange and eventual settlement—Yntema discerns two variants in this second phase on the basis of his case studies that I think may be applicable for other colonial landscapes beyond Italy—and finally by a third urbanisation phase.

The last paper of the volume, by Gert-Jan Burgers and Jan Paul Crielaard, is a balanced appraisal of the colonial phenomenon in Italy drawing evidence from systematic surveys on the Salento Isthmus and modern excavations at the settlement and necropolis of L'Amastuola, a native site of the 8th century BC, which in the beginning of the next century also shows Aegean influences in its material culture (architecture, burial rites, artefact types). The latter are well considered as markers of socio-cultural affiliations rather than ethnic identities—the Corinthian pottery for example is acknowledged as appropriate for furnishing not only Greek, but also native burials. This paper meticulously argues against the perception of ethnic identities as oppositional devices in early colonial encounters and for their construction in a later period.

Early Greek colonisation has been a popular topic in modern historiography since the 18th century. There are numerous monographs and collective essays treating the issue, most of them valuable in one way or another. This volume is a welcome contribution reflecting recent advances in archaeological theory and successful integration with studies of material culture. Concluding, I would like to quote Michael Gras, who summarises with Pier Giovanni Guzzo the final observations at the end of the book: 'trop d'Italie!'. Archaeological research in the northern Aegean as well as in the Black Sea has a significant contribution to the study of the early colonial encounters especially in settlement contexts, which we miss in Italy. It would have thus been more appropriate if the title of the book were 'Conceptualising Early Colonisation in Italy'.

Authors and Titles

L. Donnellan & V. Nizzo, Conceptualising early Greek colonisation. Introduction to the volume
R. Osborne, Greek 'colonisation': what was, and what is, at stake?
I. Malkin, Greek colonisation: The right to return
J. Hall, Quanto c'è di "greco" nella "colonizzazione greca"?
A. Esposito & A. Pollini, Postcolonialism from America to Magna Graecia
G. Saltini Semerari, Greek-Indigenous intermarriage: a gendered perspective
R. Étienne, Connectivité et croissance: deux clés pour le VIII e s.?
F. De Angelis, E pluribus unum: The multiplicity of models
V. Nizzo, Tempus fugit. Datare e interpretare la "prima colonizzazione": una riflessione "retrospettiva" e "prospettiva" su cronologie, culture e contesti
M. Cuozzo & C. Pellegrino, Culture meticce, identità etnica, dinamiche di conservatorismo e resistenza: questioni teoriche e casi di studio dalla Campania
O. Morris, Indigenous networks, hierarchies of connectivity and early colonisation in Iron Age Campania
L. Donnellan, A networked view on 'Euboean' colonisation
H. Tréziny, Archaeological data on the foundation of Megara Hyblaea. Certainties and hypotheses
F. Frisone, 'Sistemi' coloniali e definizioni identitarie: le 'colonie sorelle' della Sicilia orientale e della Calabria meridionale
E. Greco, Su alcune analogie (strutturali?) nell'organizzazione dello spazio: il caso delle città achee
D. Yntema, Greek groups in southeast Italy during the Iron Age
G.-J. Burgers & J.P. Crielaard, The Migrant's Identity. 'Greeks' and 'Natives' at L'Amastuola, Southern Italy
P.G. Guzzo, Osservazioni finali
M. Gras, Observations finales



Notes:


1.   See the still-controversial paper of R. Osborne, 'Early Greek colonisation? The nature of Greek settlement in the West' in N. Fisher and H. van Wees ed. Archaic Greece: New Approaches and New Evidence (London, 1998) 251–70.

(read complete article)

2017.05.42

Lieve Donnellan, Valentino Nizzo, Gert-Jan Burgers (ed.), Contexts of Early Colonization. Papers of the Royal Netherlands Institute in Rome, 64. Roma: Palombi Editori, 2016. Pp. 387. ISBN 9788860607294. €49.00 (pb).

Reviewed by William M. Balco, University of North Georgia (william.balco@ung.edu)

Version at BMCR home site

[The Table of Contents is listed below.]
[The review of the second volume of essays from the "Contextualizing early Colonization" conference is at BMCR 2017.05.43.]

This volume presents an array of contributions from the international conference "Contextualizing early Colonization: Archaeology, Sources, and Interpretative Models between Italy and the Mediterranean" held in Rome in 2012. Although not a festschrift, it begins with a memoriam that outlines the diverse work of the late David Ridgway. The volume explores a number of topics through 26 papers in English and Italian, divided into four sections organized thematically, yet at times with significant overlap across sections. As a whole, it brings together separate articles covering a variety of aspects about colonization in the ancient Mediterranean.

The first section explores the chronology of the colonization of the Mediterranean, spanning the Iron Age to the Archaic period. Although a broad topic certainly worthy of a volume of its own, this section is limited to four chapters critically exploring the previously developed chronological constructs most of us take for granted. First, a chapter by Manuela Mari challenges the use of ancient sources to construct chronologies of the foundation of Archaic Greek apoikiai. The social context of Greek literary traditions, as well as the development and use of different chronological systems accounting for the foundation of the Sicilian colonies and Carthage, are explored, providing the basis for this challenge. The complexity of the Thucydidean chronology and fundamental methodological problems of relying on a literary chronology are then introduced, leading to a call for communication between disciplinary specialists to best understand the complexity of past chronology. This theme is then picked up by Albert Nijboer, whose chapter continues the critical discussion of chronology, focusing on the effects of a revision to the conventional absolute chronology and providing an update on the chronological debate about the Iron Age in the Mediterranean. Nijboer discusses several radiocarbon samples, dating from the early to mid-eighth century BC and recovered from contexts with Euboean pottery at Francavilla Marittima and Tarquinia. These samples support a hypothetical prospecting phase and suggest that the conventional absolute chronology of the eighth century BC need not be altered. The next chapter, by Valentino Nizzo, argues for a careful re-examination of archival documents from previous excavations, particularly from the necropoleis at Cuma and Pithekoussai. Nizzo presents justification for the re-evaluation of such data, as it can significantly contribute to our understanding of the Early Iron Age chronology in the Mediterranean. Francisco J. Núñez continues the critical discussion of Iron Age chronology, focusing on the Levant and the construction of chronologies using a historicist background. He argues for a combined chronological method, employing sequencing of artifacts, radiocarbon dating, historical sources, and comparison with previously published works.

Papers in the volume's second section focus on the Mediterranean social setting at the beginning of colonization. This section begins with a contribution by Ida Oggiano on the Phoenician expansion throughout the coastal Levant during the early first millennium BC. Oggiano argues that the Near Eastern populations facilitated social complexity through multicultural interaction extending from the Levantine coast to the western Mediterranean. The second contribution to this section, by Michal Krueger, explores local reactions to Phoenician contact and interaction in western Andalusia. Analysis of handmade and wheelmade pottery from Setefilla, a prominent Tartessian site, suggests that imported pottery first served as ritual objects, particularly in mortuary contexts, but later became a status symbol associated with the deceased. The next chapter, by Gianluca Melandri and Nicola Parise, explores changes to standard weights of copper ingots traded throughout the Mediterranean during the Iron Age. The authors identify two different zones corresponding to different standardized measures, one in the Tyrrhenian region and one in the Balearic Sea zone. The authors explore the transformation of the ancient economy and the development of an exchange ratio to facilitate trade and interaction between these and other zones. The final contribution to this section is a chapter by Marco Minoja, Carlotta Bassoli and Fabio Nieddu, exploring the diverse populations inhabiting Bithia (Sardinia) from the Late Bronze Age to the Early Iron Age. Results from limited archaeological survey and excavations suggest a Phoenician presence at the site as demonstrated by quantitative analysis of the ceramic repertoire, contributing to our understanding of the scale of the Phoenician presence in Sardinia during the Iron Age.

The third section explores indigenous contexts in Italy at the beginning of colonization. The first chapter in this section, by Gilda Bartoloni, explores social stratification and social mobility among indigenous Tyrrhenian coastal communities following contact with Greeks and Phoenicians beginning in the ninth century BC. The author employs contextual analysis of funerary assemblages to suggest the establishment of a Tyrrhenian aristocracy in the eighth century BC, following contact and interaction with Greeks and Phoenicians. Pier Giovanni Guzzo presents a summary of ancient Greek material culture recovered in Campania and contextualizes it with a discussion of ancient historical sources. Bruno d'Agostino and Patrizia Gastaldi continue this focus on Campania, examining mortuary data to explore Early Iron Age (Villanovan) Pontecagnano and the emergence of socio-economic stratification resulting from entanglement with coastal Tyrrhenian communities. Marco Pacciarelli shifts the focus south to Calabria, exploring territorial reorganization through the consolidation of Early Iron Age populations; he attributes the abrupt end of this phenomenon to Greek colonial intervention. Massimo Osanna's contribution explores settlement and mobility, particularly focusing on the area between the Basento and Sinni rivers in South Italy. Here, the social transformation of indigenous population centers is understood as the result of the arrival of new peoples associated with the polis of Siris-Polieion. This theme is continued in a chapter by Rosa Maria Albanese Procelli. Here, the author explores Iron Age Ausonian and Pantalica cultures, as well as contexts that include a mix of the two. Drawing from historical sources, Albanese Procelli examines the social transformation of the indigenous populations following the arrival of Greek apoikiai, resulting in the appearance of hybridized culture or métissage. Gianluca Melandri and Francesco Sirano's chapter discusses Greek cups and "Orientalia" from Capua. They attribute such material to an indigenous reception of commercial mediators who introduced Cypriot and Levantine material culture to local populations. Mario Denti's chapter continues the spatial focus on Basilicata through a summary of archaeological research at Incoronata, an indigenous Iron Age community that encountered Aegean Greeks prior to the formal establishment of a colony nearby. Differences in material culture between the eighth and seventh centuries at Incoronata attest the development of a community incorporating both Greek and local Oenotrian potters. Martin Guggisberg contributes a chapter focusing on recent excavations at the Macchiabate necropolis at Francavilla Marittima. The results of these modern excavations demonstrate the high status of Oenotrian females during the ninth and eighth centuries BC as attested by funerary assemblages. How these remains were attributed with sex or were associated with a gender is not made clear; however, the author provides citations for numerous reports associated with the excavations, presumably including those that present such methods explicitly. The final chapter of this section, by Francesco Quondam, presents an overview of the settlement patterns, material culture, and social organization of Early Iron Age indigenous populations of the Sybaritide prior to the foundation of Greek Sybaris. Quondam proposes that the indigenous communities of the Sibaritide were, by the late eighth century BC, members of a broadening network resulting from the foundation of Greek colonies in Southern Italy.

The fourth and final section of the volume explores Greek and Phoenician colonization in and of Italy. This section begins with a chapter by Mario Lombardo, exploring the historiography of ancient Greek ktisis traditions. Such traditions originated with literary sources dating from the fifth century BC, reflecting contemporary Athenian concepts of colonial foundation and not necessarily the experiences of the earliest colonists. Lombardo argues, convincingly, that the ktisis traditions do not represent reliable accounts of earlier settlement strategies. Alessandro Naso's contribution explores the exchange of Etruscan, Italian, and Sicilian material culture with Greece, focusing on votive bronze artifacts from Italy recovered at the Sanctuary of Zeus in Olympia. Such finds were frequent components of the votive offerings from the eighth to fifth centuries BC, attesting the favorability of Tyrrhenian bronzes as luxury goods in Greece. A chapter by Massimo Botto explores evidence of commercial relations between Sardinia and Iberia during the Late Bronze Age and Early Iron Age. He attributes such trade to Sardinian sailors operating prior to and alongside Phoenicians in Western Mediterranean trade networks as evidenced by Nuragic material culture recovered from pre- Phoenician contexts in Iberia. The next chapter, by Maria Constanza Lentini, presents evidence for a mixed, Sikel and Greek community at Naxos at the end of the eighth century BC. Fragmentary remains of huts, typical of indigenous Iron Age Sikel populations, contained imported Greek pottery alongside locally manufactured indigenous forms, suggesting the earliest phase of the colony should be characterized as a diverse community of local Sikels living alongside Greek colonists. Next, Valeria Parisi, Chiara Maria Marchetti, and Enzo Lippolis present an interpretation of excavation at the acropolis at Satyrion. The presence of Iapygian and Greek pottery and the construction of the large stone structure at the sanctuary attest a conversion in cult practice at Satryion beginning in the seventh century BC. Giovanni Boffa's chapter serves as the only discussion in this volume of the transmission of language between populations. Boffa explores the appearance of inscriptions composed in Greek script as identified on locally manufactured pottery recovered from diverse sites throughout central Italy during the eighth century BC. He acknowledges the complex character of Euboean-Campanian linguistic interaction, attributing the earliest evidence of such interaction to artisans. Next, Grazia Semeraro employs cognitive archaeology to explore the organization of Iapygian villages, commensal vessels, and the consumption of alcoholic beverages between the eighth and sixth centuries BC. She proposes a system of territorial mobility employed to occupy new sites and provide stability during the Iron Age.

Two appendices are included, the first by Crazia Semeraro presenting source information for a map of Pre-Roman sites in the Salento, the second, by Florinda Notarstefano presenting results of Mass-Spectrometry and Fourier Transform Infrared (FT-IR) Spectroscopy analysis of organic residues from a sample of the feasting vessels included in the study. The final chapter, by Sveva Savelli, presents results of previous excavations at Incoronato, focusing on the occupation of the settlement prior to the foundation of apoikiai at Metaponto and Siris. Intense interaction between indigenous populations and Greeks is attested by majority quantities of imported Greek pottery in contexts associated with the settlement and sanctuary at Incoronata.

Overall, the volume serves as a compendium of recent interpretations of the earliest formal colonization in the Mediterranean, appealing to researchers and advanced students alike. The thematic organization works well to bring together a diverse array of papers focusing on one central topic: Mediterranean colonization. The text is fairly well edited, with few grammatical errors, an impressive feat given the bilingual nature of the text in English and Italian; however, the translation of some sections could have benefitted from further editing to clarify the content presented by well-qualified authors reporting their results. Most chapters include maps that clearly present the study regions and key sites as well as images of select artifacts or excavation contexts. This volume serves as a valuable contribution to the study of Mediterranean colonization. As such, it is well suited to research libraries among universities, content experts, and advanced graduate students conducting related research.

Table of Contents

Acknowledgements, 13
In Memoriam David Ridgway, 15
Manuela Mari, I 'tempi' della colonizzazione greca arcaica. Spunti per un dialogo tra discipline, 21
Albert J. Nijboer, Is the tangling of events in the Mediterranean around 770-60 B.C. in the Conventional Absolute Chronology (CAC) a reality or a construct? 35
Valentino Nizzo, Cronologia versus Archeologia. L' "ambiguo" scorrere del tempo alle soglie della 'colonizzazione': I casi di Cuma e Pithekoussai, 49
Francisco J. Nuñez, Considerations around a polarized Mediterranean Iron Age Chronology, 73
Ida Oggiano, The Mediterranean dimension of Levantine Coast in the 1st millennium B.C.: ancient sea routes, new explorations and 'colonial' foundations, 89
Michał Krueger, Local response to the early Phoenician presence in Western Andalusia: the case of material culture from Setefilla, 105
Gianluca Melandri and Nicola Parise, Circolazione del metallo e pratiche della pesatura fra Oriente e Occidente: inerzia e adattamento delle misure fra Tarda Età del Bronzo e Prima Età del Ferro, 113
Marco Minoja, Carlotta Bassoli and Fabio Nieddu, Forme di contatto sulle coaste della Sardegna: indigeni e fenici a Bithia, nuove acquisizioni, 123
Gilda Bartoloni, Le comunità tirreniche all'alba della Magna Grecia, 141
Pier Giovanni Guzzo, Il contest indigeno della Campania all'arrivo dei Greci, 153
Bruno d'Agostino and Patrizia Gastaldi, La cultura orientalizzante tirrenica come frutto di una crescita endogena: l'esempio di Pontecagnano, 159
Marco Pacciarelli, Forme di insediamento del Primo Ferro in Calabria, 177
Massimo Osanna, Forme insediative e contatti di culture lungo la costa ionica d'Italia meridionale tra i fiumi Basento e Sinni (VIII – VII sec. a.C.), 183
Rosa Maria Albanese Procelli, Gli indigeni della Sicilia tra la Prima e la Seconda Età del Ferro: il contest locale della 'prima colonizzazione', 199
Gianluca Melandri and Francesco Sirano, I primi contatti col mondo Greco e levantino a Capua tra la Prima Età del Ferro e gli inizi dell'Orientalizzante, 211
Mario Denti, Gli Enotri – e I Greci – sul Basento. Nuovi dati sul Metapontino in Età Proto-coloniale, 223
Martin A. Guggisberg, Local identity and cultural exchange in (pre-) colonial Francavilla Marittima: the Macchiabate necropolis in the light of new excavations, 237
Francesco Quondam, La Sibaritide prima e dopo la fondazione di Sibari, 247
Mario Lombardo, Le 'prime fondazioni' greche in Occidente: tradizioni antiche e letture modern, 261
Alessandro Naso, Dall'Italia alla Crecia, IX-VII sec a.C., 275
Massimo Botto, The Phoenicians in the central-west Mediterranean and Atlantic between 'precolonization' and the 'first colonization', 289
Maria Costanza Lentini, Le origini di Naxos. Nuovi dati sulla Fondazione, 311
Valeria Parisi, Chiara Maria Marchetti and Enzo Lippolis, Greci e indigeni nel golfo di Taranto: il caso di Satyrion, 323
Giovanni Boffa, 'Prima colonizzazione' e 'primo alfabeto'. Osservazioni su soggetti e modalità dell'interazione culturale fra le più antiche presenze greche in occidente e l'ambiente italico in riferimento alla scrittura, 335
Grazia Semeraro, Nuovi orizzonti per nuove comunità. Qualche riflessione sui processi di definizione delle società arcaiche della Puglia meridionale durante l'Età del Ferro, 351
Sveva Savelli, Models of interaction between Greeks and indigenous populations on the Ionian coast: Contributions from the excavations at Incoronata by the University of Texas at Austin, 371
Publications of the Royal Netherlands Institute in Rome, 385

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Wednesday, May 24, 2017

2017.05.41

Todd S. Berzon, Classifying Christians: Ethnography, Heresiology, and the Limits of Knowledge in Late Antiquity. Oakland: University of California Press, 2016. Pp. xiv, 302. ISBN 9780520284265. $95.00.

Reviewed by Eduard Iricinschi, Ruhr University Bochum (eduard.iricinschi@rub.de)

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Classifying Christians is a detailed study of six heresiological texts, stretching from the second to the fifth century CE: Irenaeus of Lyon's Against the Heresies (written around 180 CE), Tertullian of Carthage's De praescriptione haereticorum (203 CE), the Refutation of All Heresies (225 CE), Epiphanius of Cyprus' Panarion (after 375), Augustine of Hippo's Heresies (De haeresibus ad Quodvultdeum, 428 CE), and Theodoret of Cyrrhus' Haereticarum fabularum compendium (452 or 453 CE). Treating the above texts as a literary collection, unified by thematic and stylistic features, Classifying Christians approaches them as illustrations of an ancient ethnography of theological expression. Its major innovation is to set up a four-dimensional critical method that brings together ancient heresiology, ancient ethnography, Victorian ethnography, and modern religious studies. In Berzon's approach, each set of normative surveys helps understanding the others. Instead of evaluating heresiology as a theological discourse of asserting and contesting power, Berzon stresses that early Christian heresiologists employed the language and concepts of ancient ethnographic authors to "depict and organize the world and its people in distinctly Christian terms" (p. 6). This ethnographic turn in the study of ancient heresiology enables the author to pursue a Foucauldian theoretical agenda.1 The major questions asked throughout the volume regard the Christian production of knowledge in heresiological ethnography, its limits, and its failure.

Chapter 1, "Heresiology as Ethnography: The Ethnographic Disposition," introduces the method and the conceptual tools of analysis. Berzon defines ethnographic disposition as the "process and effects of writing people and defining cultural systems" (p. 24). Faced with a wide array of sources, genres, and styles of ancient ethnographic texts, the author privileges fuzzier definitions for "writing peoples" in antiquity, such as "the ethnographic impulse," "ethnographic curiosity," and "ethnographic imagination" (p. 35). Microscopic ethnography ("descriptions of the customs and habits of peoples") and macroscopic ethnography ("the use of grand paradigms such as genealogy, typology, and astrology to explain habits, customs, phenotypes and behaviors"; p. 24) are two other major concepts that enable the author to envisage ancient heresiologists as ethnographers.

Chapter 2, "Comparing Theologies and Comparing Peoples: The Customs, Doctrines, and Dispositions of the Heretics," investigates how ancient heresiologists played the ethnographical game, by engaging in detailed descriptions of the heretics' ways of life. The author replaces the theological focus with the analysis of how heresiologists described the customs, rituals, commensality, texts, and habits of the heretics. He first places heresiological discussions about ways of life in the context of ancient debates on the ancient categories of religio and superstitio. Next, he connects these discussions with "Christian ethnographic idealism." Finally, he shows them as having direct connection with the literary process of presenting certain Christian groups as communities identifiable both by distinctive ways of life and by misguided heretical dispositions (p. 61). In the analysis of Epiphanius' description of the Messalians (Pan. 80), Berzon reads Epiphanius' double accusation of asceticism and libertinism as a blueprint for the construction of an object of inquiry ("the Messalians") through its defining features (p. 87).

Chapter 3, "Contesting Ethnography: Heretical Models of Human and Cosmic Plurality," delves more into the "contested ethnographic ground of heresiology" (p. 103) by reflecting on how the heresiological discourse of the third-century Refutation of All the Heresies takes on theories of "human diversification" postulated by astrological theories. It is not merely astral determinism that is at stake here, Berzon argues, but the organization of Christian fields of knowledge. Taking Ptolemy's astrological treatise Tetrabiblos into consideration, the author illustrates how the connections between astrology, ethnography, cosmology, and climatology become parts of a unified field of knowledge. These precise classificatory inflexibilities of astrology imperiled the development of a Christian theory about communicating with the divine.

Chapter 4, "Christianized Ethnography: Paradigms of Heresiological Knowledge," investigates Epiphanius' incorporation of previously local heresiological attempts into a history of the world, read as a history of heresy. Berzon complements Epiphanius' historical ambitions with Theodoret of Cyrrhus' adoption of doctrinal genealogy in his Compendium of Heretical Fables. Epiphanius' two-pronged attempt at mapping heresy while charting the world employs ethnographic models in a more salient way than previous heresiologists did, and allows Berzon to analyze "the heresiological periodization of ethnographic knowledge" (p. 129) and the transformation of the Christian heresies into the "new nations of the world" (p. 139).

Chapter 5, "Knowledge Fair and Foul: The Rhetoric of Heresiological Inquiry," focuses on Tertullian's Rules against the Heretics. It brings an unexpected twist to the plot of the book, with its analysis of the tension between epistemological humility and heretical curiosity, and with its meditation on the dangers and tensions of writing heresiology. Berzon reads Tertullian's geographical and cultural divide between Jerusalem and Athens as a rejection of Greek philosophical culture. In the latter case, the pursuit of knowledge, independent of gospels, not only falls under the heading of damaging curiosity; it also opens an endless and uncontrollable process of producing an unnecessary body of expertise (p. 165). Tertullian's fears and anxieties, in Berzon's reading of De praescriptione haereticorum, translate into efforts of limiting heretical curiosity. After Tertullian, the field of Christian knowledge was shaped by "epistemological humility" and "the rule of faith" (p. 168), while its overseers, the heresiologists, emerged as a "protective class of inquirers" (p. 170).

Chapter 6, "The Infinity of Continuity: Epiphanius of Salamis and the Limits of the Ethnographic Disposition," further probes the inevitable cracks that appear in the universalizing epistemological ambitions of ancient heresiology, or, in Berzon's precise formulation, "the tension between modeling heresy and knowing heresy" (p. 187). The author proposes a very fine shift of focus in these pages, one that opens the way for further elaborations, from reading early Christian heresiology "as a site of ecclesiastical or theological authority and imperial control" to evaluating it as a failed process of manufacturing "totalizing knowledge" about the new Christian world (p. 197). By comparing Pomponius Mela's first-century CE ethnographic Description of the World and Epiphanius' fourth-century Panarion, Berzon unravels the ways in which the "epistemological paradox" of ancient ethnography – the unlimited human variety ultimately renders the world untranslatable to the ethnographic gaze – drives the heresiological project into a dead-end. Previously, chapter 5 probed into the emotional and cognitive conflicts of the heresiologists, as they might have found themselves, not unlike later ethnographers, exposed to the hazards of going native and encountering "the dangers of intimacy, proximity, and understanding" (p. 180). Tensions increase further in Chapter 6, as Berzon describes the heresiologist Epiphanius toiling under the pains of creating a field of knowledge as a "repository of quantification," while discovering himself pulled into the emotional vortex of not being able to exhaust the "infinitude of heresy" (p. 210).

The final chapter, "From Ethnography to List: Transcribing and Traversing Heresy," turns to Augustine's De haeresibus, to explore the move from ethnical description and classification into mere creation of heretical lists. The turn to lists in heresiological discourse signals for Berzon both the peak of a "culture of classification" and the limits of heresiological ethnography to represent and translate heretical Christians (p. 225). By eliminating parts of the heresiological collection of topoi, privileged by previous writers of heresy, such as theological positions, ethnicity, and odd customs, the author argues that Augustine restructured the "taxonomy of identification" (p. 231). At the same time, the author brings to an end the story of growing ambitions and collapse of ancient heresiology, but notes that Augustine acknowledges the impossibility of ever knowing all heretical groups. Berzon calls this stage the heresiology's moment of self-reflection, one that denotes "not control and mastery but rather imperfection, fragility, and incompleteness" (p. 235).

There is much to welcome in Classifying Christians. In a polyphonic approach, the book surveys ancient ethnography and ancient heresiology as connected territories. Berzon is at his best in establishing connections and linking interpretive strategies across disciplines and fields of inquiry. As such, one of the major contributions of his volume is to forge a nuanced vocabulary for the study of ancient texts on heresy through its treatment of heresiology and ethnography as cognate fields for the production of knowledge about ancient peoples. This approach demotes theology from being the main measuring gauge of heresiology into a conceptual tool whose classificatory ambitions were similar to those of ethnography, historiography, and literature. Aligning two facets of ancient literary production of Greek and Latin expression, heresiology and ethnography, the author produces a wealth of new insights into the process of generating classificatory knowledge about peoples, and casts new light on the formation of ancient religious identities.

This might be the strength and the weakness of Classifying Christians, however. It produces its own jargon, yet it remains mired in it. In Berzon's analysis, ethnography becomes a cipher for understanding the production of ancient heresiological literature, its mutations from the second to the fourth centuries, and finally its metamorphoses into lists. Yet Berzon presents heresiology as a mere literary routine, and the purpose of his book is to unravel the rules of this exercise as it was codified through ethnographic description. As such, the reader might perceive Berzon's "heresiologists" as a literary coterie, a like-minded community with a clear agenda, opposed to the murky camp of the heretics. The focus on treating heresiology as a homogeneous field of literary production and the disregard for historical and contextual details lead, on occasion, to generalizing statements such as the following: "The heresiologists theorized with the heretics about the relationship between human difference, knowledge […] and the epistemological limits governing the textualization of an ever-diversifying world" (p. 53). Without historical, social, and political contextualization, the analysis of the ancient heresiological discourses risks presenting a dichotomous view of "heresiologists" versus "heretics."

There survived plenty of "heretical" positions, available in the Sethian and Valentinian Coptic texts uncovered at Nag Hammadi. This leads to what amounts to the major limitation of this monograph: the programmatic absence of the Nag Hammadi texts, most of which were produced, in their original Greek, at the same time as the first heresiologists were active, and circulated, in Coptic, around the time Epiphanius wrote his own heresiological treatise. One of the major Nag Hammadi texts, The Tripartite Tractate, even includes two heresy lists, whose analysis under the "ethnographic gaze" would have only enriched the present monograph.2

In spite of the clear Foucauldian methodological agenda of Classifying Christians, Berzon only refers to, but does not substantially engage with, two major French analyses of ancient heresiology, which also derive their methodological ground from Foucault's thinking: Alain Le Boulluec's two volumes of La notion d'hérésie dans la literature grecque IIe-IIIe siècles, and Hervé Inglebert's Interpretatio Christiana.3 One would have especially welcome a comparison between Berzon's discussion of ethnographic heresiology and Inglebert's parallel argument about the role of ancient heresiology in shaping Christian chronology and historiography and in the formation of specific Christian fields of knowledge.

Adopting the category of heresiological ethnography as its major context, Berzon's book offers a potent epistemological reflection on the production, organization, and limits of knowledge in late antiquity. While still battling the hazards of reifying the reifiers themselves, the heresiologists, the book transplants the conceptual and historical vocabulary of ethnography into debates on ancient heresiology. Classifying Christians remains a finely articulated meditation on the effects of theological and ethnographic ancient list-making. It theorizes not only the limits of heresiological knowledge in antiquity, but also the fragility of heresiology as a project that carries within itself the premises of its own demise.



Notes:


1.   The author derives most of the theoretical mileage from Foucault's pre-1970 works: The Order of Things (1966) and The Archaeology of Knowledge (1969).
2.   TricTrac 108.13–114.30; see also Geoffrey S. Smith, Guilt by Association: Heresy Catalogues in Early Christianity, New York: Oxford University Press, 2015, 108–21.
3.   Alain Le Boulluec, La notion d'hérésie dans la literature grecque IIe-IIIe siècles, Paris: Études Augustiniennes, 1985; Hervé Inglebert, Interpretatio Christiana: Les mutations des saviors (cosmographie, géographie, ethnographie, histoire) dans l'Antiquité chrétienne, Paris: Institut d'Études Augustiniennes, 2001. For Inglebert's discussion of ancient heresiology, see chapter 5, "L'histoire des heresies," pp. 393-461.

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2017.05.40

Madalina Dana, Franck Prêteux (ed.), Identité régionale, identités civiques autour des Détroits des Dardanelles et du Bosphore (Ve siècle av. J.-C.—IIe siècle apr. J.-C.). Dialogues d'histoire ancienne. Supplément, 15. Besançon: Presses universitaires de Franche-Comté, 2016. Pp. 311. ISBN 9782848675435. €28.00 (pb).

Reviewed by Claudia Antonetti, Università Ca' Foscari Venezia (cordinat@unive.it)

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Table of Contents

Il volume che qui si recensisce è la pubblicazione degli atti di una giornata di studio organizzata da Madalina Dana e Franck Prêteux e finalizzata a indagare la plausibilità di una definizione identitaria regionale dello spazio gravitante sugli Stretti così come dell'individuazione di identità civiche al suo interno. Gli organizzatori, che sono anche i curatori del volume, nell'introduzione presentano in una chiara prospettiva storiografica il lavoro a più mani, moderando gli eccessi delle posizioni di segno post-coloniale, oggi dominanti, attraverso un forte richiamo ai contesti storico-geografico- culturali e indicando negli studi in diacronia sulla percezione e rappresentazione dello spazio e nella funzione insieme distintiva e integratrice di alcuni marker culturali locali la possibile risposta a un quesito di difficile soluzione: la "regione degli Stretti" (qui intesa in senso lato, non solo come Dardanelli e Bosforo, ma anche nelle propaggini a nord e a sud degli stessi) non è chiaramente delimitabile dal punto di vista geografico ed è politicamente frammentata; possono dunque i rapporti fra città e fra individui, le interconnessioni e gli scambi commerciali, economici e culturali darle visibilità tale da renderla distinguibile e apprezzabile sul piano identitario? Il "millenario sovrapporsi in area propontica di epicrazie e di mappe etnografiche diverse"—per adottare la bella definizione di Giuseppe Ragone1—aveva impressionato già Strabone (12 4.6), certamente un esperto della regione.

Le conclusioni di Alexandru Avram offrono una risposta articolata a questo interrogativo di fondo, focalizzando l'apporto dei singoli contributi secondo le prospettive dell'identità regionale e delle identità civiche, delle rappresentazioni e degli spunti nuovi che si profilano alla ricerca a partire da questo volume: egli sottolinea le diversità, più che le omologie, che scaturiscono dalla documentazione indagata dagli autori, e le 'microzone' identitarie che grazie ad esse emergono con chiarezza dal lavoro collettivo, il Bosforo (con Bisanzio in netta prevalenza), la Bitinia, la Propontide (con Cizico in grande evidenza), la Troade. Avram raccomanda anche di non privilegiare, nelle convenzioni geografiche e nelle mappe mentali che le ispirano, l'asse est-ovest della rappresentazione degli Stretti, ma di ricordarsi dell'importanza del collegamento nord-sud che essi garantiscono. Difficile dare una sintesi migliore della sua di un lavoro ben condotto, edito in modo ineccepibile, corredato di utili indici (dei luoghi, dei personaggi e delle cose notevoli) e dei riassunti in francese e inglese, ma ogni libro può essere attraversato secondo itinerari diversi e molteplici: i curatori hanno scelto di presentare i contributi secondo le scansioni dei 'popoli e territori', delle 'produzioni artigianali e specificità regionali' e delle 'identità civiche e culturali' ma tutto il volume in realtà è un percorso tra le identità e verso l'identità.

Non sono estranei a questa prospettiva di fondo nemmeno gli articoli di più stretto carattere archeologico o iconografico come quelli di Pierre Dupont e Michel Sève: il primo perché arriva, grazie ad indagini archeometriche, a identificare l'area di produzione della famosa classe ceramica arcaica della 'Ionia del sud 3' con un centro degli Stretti che dovrebbe essere Sesto e non più Mileto, aprendo dunque una prospettiva totalmente inedita sul regime degli scambi; il secondo perché stabilisce una chiara distinzione, all'interno delle numerose stele funerarie di epoca ellenistica e romana rinvenute nell'area degli Stretti, fra quelle della riva asiatica del tipo 'Stockwerkstele', ancora derivanti dai modelli greco-persiani di Daskyleion, e quelle della parte europea che si estende fino a Filippi, assai probabilmente influenzate da altri modelli culturali quali quelli importati dai coloni romani attraverso la Via Egnazia. È questo, delle stele funerarie, un terreno d'indagine particolarmente fruttuoso per studiare i transfert culturali, come dimostra il lavoro esemplare, e per certi versi affine, di Athanasios Rizakis e Iannis Touratsoglou sulla documentazione della Macedonia.2 Quanto complesso sia ancora oggi identificare i protagonisti, i circuiti, le ricadute degli scambi commerciali nell'area, in assenza di un'omogenea documentazione epigrafica e archeologica, è dimostrato con maestria da Franck Prêteux che trae profitto da ogni possibile indizio per tracciare un quadro economico dal quale emerge una diffusa ricchezza di risorse, gestite piuttosto 'passivamente'—a causa delle oggettive difficoltà geo-politiche—dalle città costiere, mediante una diffusa attività di tassazione e di agevolazioni ai commercianti stranieri, mentre in epoca tardo-ellenistica e romana i traffici e i profitti vengono drenati con forza soprattutto dalla Bitinia, da Cizico e ovviamente da Bisanzio.

Alcune poleis ricorrono come protagoniste negli approcci pur diversi degli autori del volume; fra queste senz'altro Bisanzio, la cui ricca documentazione epigrafica di epoca imperiale sulle associazioni civiche e cultuali è oggetto di uno studio accurato sui mystai e i thiasitai di Dioniso da parte di Adrian Robu che non trascura di estendere la sua ricerca, molto opportunamente, alle comunità della chora, dove il richiamo identitario è duplice, epicorio (misio in un bell'esempio portato dall'A.) e cittadino. Il rapporto di Bisanzio con la sua chora e con tutta la regione deve essere immaginato oggi in modo assai meno meccanico che in passato. È quanto emerge dalle sofisticate indagini onomastiche di Dan Dana che offrono risultati di tutto rilievo: la componente di origine bitinica è molto forte, superiore a quella trace, un quadro radicalmente diverso da quello di Cizico, l'altra grande protagonista di questi studi, dove la presenza dell'elemento epicorio è più varia e più complessa, con nomi di origine misia, bitinica, trace, frigia.

L'invito fatto dagli organizzatori a seguire i processi in diacronia è stato raccolto da tutti i partecipanti all'iniziativa e ha portato, in alcune occasioni, a risultati nuovi: è il caso dello studio di Stéphane Lebreton sulle rappresentazioni della regione degli Stretti presso gli Antichi. L'A. individua un momento di rottura in questa tradizione intorno al 200 d.C., quando per due volte le sorti dell'impero romano si giocano nell'area che viene vista per la prima volta come il passaggio naturale dall'Europa all'Asia, il fulcro delle comunicazioni e dunque il primo baluardo da difendere. Assunta a "luogo di memoria negli annali dell'impero", Bisanzio acquisisce un valore strategico ben prima di diventarne la capitale.

E passiamo ora ai contributi nei quali più chiaramente il tema identitario è posto al centro dell'analisi. Lo studio di Alexandre Baralis sulla presenza coloniale eolica nella vasta area che va dal nord dell'Egeo alla Propontide al sud del Mar Nero – un'area nella quale rari sono gli scavi archeologici sistematici – focalizza l'indagine sulla rete degli scambi dalla fine del X sec. a.C. all'epoca arcaica e arriva a conclusioni importanti: dal secondo terzo dell'VIII secolo sono operanti due network, il primo guidato dagli Eubei con Parii e Andrii al seguito, il secondo realizzato dagli Eoli, già presenti nelle isole a nord-ovest dell'Egeo, che s'installano a Tenedo, sulla costa occidentale della Troade, nel nord del Chersoneso tracico, a Samotracia e alla foce dell'Ebro. L'A. riduce considerevolmente, fin quasi a negarla, la presenza fenicia nell'area: il suo contributo alla storia archeologica di questo comparto territoriale è indubbiamente innovativo; qualche perplessità permane sull'approccio storico (cf. 37-41 e passim), ad esempio sull'assunzione acritica della tradizione della migrazione eolica in Asia Minore dopo decenni di riflessioni sul tema che in taluni casi hanno portato a un ridimensionamento radicale della tradizione stessa, non solo dal punto di vista cronologico,3 o ancora, sulla lettura non mediata del resoconto erodoteo sull' 'ethnicity' dell'Asia Minore (1.149-151), oggi non più proponibile senza un adeguato approfondimento critico.4 Al periodo da Alessandro Magno fino ad Antioco III in relazione alla città di Ilio e al santuario di Atena Iliaca è dedicato il lavoro di William Pillot che giustamente individua nel caso preso in esame un "buon laboratorio d'osservazione dell'identità civica e della cultura regionale nella regione degli Stretti". Stupisce che l'A., nell'apprezzabile ricostruzione storica dei rapporti fra Ilio, i Diadochi e gli Epigoni, non si confronti con l'articolo di Franca Landucci Gattinoni del 20055 che verteva esattamente sullo stesso tema, arrivando a conclusioni spesso non divergenti. Decisamente convincenti sono le osservazioni sul funzionamento, la composizione etnica e l'estensione geografica del koinon di Atena Iliaca che rappresentano un contributo positivo al dibattito attuale sulla funzione dei consorzi sacrali interpoleici e interregionali del mondo greco fra territorialità, ethnicity e politica.6 Alla 'storiografia degli Stretti' ha dato voce in questo volume Madalina Dana che ha saputo tracciare ben più di una rassegna sugli autori nati e operanti nell'area (logografi, storici di Filippo, alessandrografi, autori di Troika, Hellenika e Lokalgeschichte, commentatori di Omero, geografi, periegeti, etnografi, filosofi, scienziati, eruditi), dimostrando una volta di più quanto fruttuosa sia l'indagine sulla storia culturale per riconoscere e apprezzare le costruzioni identitarie dell'Antichità nel loro divenire storico. Fra i molti risultati del lavoro di M. Dana si segnalano l'emergere di quattro 'microzone' di particolare interesse storiografico (il Bosforo,7 la Bitinia, la Propontide e la Troade) e il favore per alcuni temi generali come la saga argonautica, i Bythiniaka e, com'era prevedibile, la tradizione omerica. A quest'ultima fa riferimento anche il bel lavoro di François de Polignac che, partendo dal caso del Kynosema (il 'monumento del cane') del Chersoneso tracico, analizza tutta una serie di analoghi (e omonimi) monumenti marittimi caratterizzati dalla funzione 'segnaletica', dal controllo dei passaggi e dalla relazione privilegiata con le divinità 'phosphoroi'. Il contributo è significativo sul piano generale della conoscenza della mentalità antica dei Greci per la chiara distinzione che introduce fra spazio e paesaggio e per la molteplice prospettiva metodologica e percettiva nella quale la definizione di 'paesaggio' (qui marittimo) può essere declinata: "horizon d'expérience immédiate et linéaire, horizon de savoir partagé donnant sens simultanément à un ensemble de lieux séparés mais formant système dans le cadre régional, horizon d'attente d'un paysage 'en creux' (250)". A queste conclusioni dell'A. accosterei volentieri, in prospettiva semiotica, l'interessante definizione di Krzysztof Pomian (Che cos'è la storia? Milano 2001, capitolo 5) della storia culturale come storia dei 'semiofori'.



Notes:


1.   G. Ragone, "Corografia senza autopsia: Strabone e l'Eolide, in Strabone e l'Asia Minore", a cura di A.M. Biraschi - G. Salmeri, Edizioni Scientifiche Italiane (Napoli 2000) 286.
2.   A.D. Rizakis & I. Touratsoglou, "In Search of Identities: A Preliminary Report on the Visual and Textual Context of the Funerary Monuments of Roman Macedonia", in Beyond Boundaries. Connecting Visual Cultures in the Provinces of Ancient Rome, ed. by S.E. Alcock, M. Egri, J.F.D. Frakers, (Los Angeles: Getty Publications, 2016) 120-136.
3.   Basterà citare i seguenti lavori collettivi: Eoli ed Eolide tra madrepatria e colonie, a cura di A. Mele - M. L. Napolitano - A. Visconti, Luciano Editore: Napoli 2005 e L'Éolide dans l'ombre de Pergame Ve- Ier siècles a.C., éd. par Ivana Savalli-Lestrade, Topoi Suppl. 14, 2016.
4.   Cf. G. Ragone, "Μηδαμοὺς μὴ πλέονας ἐσδέξασθαι ἐς τὸ ἱρόν. 'Numerus clausus' e auto-identificazione 'etnica' dei Greci d'Asia (Eoli, Ioni, Dori)", in Forme sovrapoleiche e interpoleiche di organizzazione nel modo antico. Atti del Convegno Internazionale (Lecce, 17- 20 settembre 2008), a cura di M. Lombardo - F. Frisone, (Galatina 2008), 406- 421 e M. Polito, "Autorappresentazione e rappresentazione erodotea degli Ioni d'Asia (1.142 ss.)", Erga-Logoi 4(2), 2016, 157-181.
5.   F. Landucci Gattinoni, "Diadochi ed Epigoni nell'Asia Minore di Strabone: Ilio e la Troade", GeogrAnt 14-15, 2005-6, 15-29.
6.   Dibattito ottimamente interpretato da F. Lefèvre, "Identités grecques et sanctuaires communs", AWE 15, 2016, 1-24.
7.   Il lavoro di S. Belfiore, Il Periplo del Ponto Eusino di Arriano e altri testi sul mar Nero e il Bosforo: spazio geografico, mito e dominio ai confini dell'Impero romano. Memoria dell'Istituto Veneto di Scienze Lettere e Arti, (Venezia 2009) stranamente non è preso in considerazione in questo, come negli altri pur aggiornati contributi del volume.

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Sunday, May 21, 2017

2017.05.39

Han Lamers, Bettina Reitz-Joosse, The Codex Fori Mussolini: A Latin Text of Italian Fascism. Bloomsbury studies in classical reception. London; New York: Bloomsbury Academic, 2016. Pp. x, 139. ISBN 9781474226950. $104.00.

Reviewed by Genevieve S. Gessert, The American University of Rome (g.gessert@aur.edu)

Version at BMCR home site

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The last fifteen years have seen a proliferation of scholarship in English on the relationship between Italian Fascist ideology and Roman antiquity, focusing largely on the relationship between modernity and Romanità (often inadequately translated as "Roman-ness") in the official formation of Fascist identity. The recent volumes by modern historians Paul Baxa, Joshua Arthurs, and Aristotle Kallis, to name but a few, explore the ways in which notions of Romanità influenced policy in infrastructure, education, and urban planning respectively. These works take as their primary goal a fuller understanding of the parallel development of material propaganda and official institutions during the ventennio (1922–1942), with a goal of "integrat[ing] romanità into current discussions about Fascist culture and its relationship to modernity."1 Volumes such as these are of interest to classicists because they reveal the ways in which Roman material culture (and its scholarship, in the case of Arthurs) is impacted by deliberate modern intervention, from the selective sventramenti and excavations in the city of Rome to the use of "Roman" images and styles in official visual culture. Concurrently, Roman archaeologists and social historians have increasingly been re-examining the excavations and reconstructions that were conducted under Mussolini, to get a better understanding of the ways in which Fascist interpretations continue to inform our view of Roman architecture, urban planning, and society.2 Yet little attention has been paid to the position of classical philology and neo-Latin composition in the Fascist construction of culture.

In The Codex Fori Mussolini: A Latin Text of Italian Fascism, Han Lamers and Bettina Reitz-Joosse seek to remedy this oversight with the "first detailed study of a Fascist Latin text" (p.1) that is also one of the first monographs on the Fascist period by classical scholars. Written in 1932 by the classical scholar Aurelio Giuseppe Amatucci to celebrate the construction of the complex of the Foro Mussolini (now known as the Foro Italico), the Codex also sought to provide a laudatory history of the creation of the Opera Nazionale Balilla (the Fascist Youth organization), and to extol the virtues of both Fascism and its leader Benito Mussolini. The original document was an illuminated parchment manuscript, likely several pages bound together to form a small book, which was installed in a metal box along with some commemorative medallions as the foundation deposit for the Foro complex. This deposit remains encased in the base of the obelisk standing at the entrance to the Foro Italico today, inscribed in Fascist-era Latin MVSSOLINI DVX. Thus like an ancient Latin text that survives only in later manuscript form, the Codex Fori Mussolini is known only from copies of the text published after its deposit; no photographs or prints of the original work exist.

Lamers and Reitz-Joosse structure their volume to relate the Codex to works of classical Latin, by combining the introduction and commentary format common to Cambridge Greek and Latin Classics (and others) with the facing-page original text and English translation layout found in a Loeb edition. The extensive introductory materials, entitled "The Codex Fori Mussolini in Context," provide significant information at both the macro and micro level, placing the Codex in its historical context as a representative of contemporary Latin composition and scholarship. Following brief descriptions of the basic structure and content and the three surviving editions of the Codex (pp.6–9), Lamers and Reitz-Joosse turn to the biography of Amatucci and to the role of Latin under Fascism, the latter being a subject on which the two scholars have published previously.3 Though "not generally regarded as one of the foremost Italian Latinists" (p.12), Amatucci was already a fixture of the Italian educational establishment before 1922 and became actively involved in the Fascistization of secondary education. Their detailed analysis of Amatucci's biography illuminates the possible motivations behind his composition of the Codex (the exact conditions are obscure), but rather more significant is their recognition of the active role that scholars played in regime-building during this period. Amatucci and other contemporary scholars found common ground with the Fascist regime in its interest in Romanità, which facilitated the promotion of Latin as a universal and immortal language. For Amatucci, the fact that Fascism was able to revive the Latin language for use in education and official documents was proof of its capabilities and justification for its policies, and the fact that Latin had survived since antiquity made it the ideal language for communicating with the equally distant future.

The remainder of the introduction deals with the Codex as object and artifact, since the foundation deposit document was intended in part as an explanatory text to "shap[e] the prospective memory of the [Foro Mussolini] complex for future readers" (p.28). Lamers and Reitz-Joosse chart the history of the Foro Mussolini, illustrating their analysis with numerous contemporary photographs and urban development plans which describe in detail the modifications made to the Foro complex both during the Fascist era and subsequently. Like other Fascist mini-cities, such as the Città Universitaria and EUR, the Foro Mussolini sought to combine ideal form with bureaucratic function, in this case to provide a "monumental spiritual centre" (p.45) for the sport and pre-military activities of the Opera Nazionale Balilla. The authors next turn to the construction of the monolite, as the Mussolini obelisk was dubbed in the numerous press reports and newsreels that covered its erection, situating it in reference to ancient obelisk construction, Roman engineering, and Renaissance reuse. The narrative of the raising of the obelisk (and the concomitant installation of the Codex beneath it) forms the conclusion of Amatucci's text, underscoring its self-reflective nature and its inherent paradox: the monolite would have to be destroyed in order to make the reading of the original Codex possible (p.61).

The second half of the volume is devoted to the Latin text of the Codex itself, accompanied by the authors' English translation and followed by an extensive, almost line-by-line commentary. One notable theme throughout the commentary, which is also described in the introductory section, is Amatucci's constant use of allusions to or brief quotations from classical Latin texts, particularly from authors of the Augustan period. The Codex takes as its epigraph Vergil, Eclogues 4.5 (Magnus ab integro saeclorum nascitur ordo), a well-used quotation since the time of Constantine (p.99), which imbues the text overall with an Augustan/messianic tone. But as Lamers and Reitz-Joosse observe, Amatucci also drew frequently from other authors, particularly Cicero and Livy, and perhaps for solely stylistic purposes (pp.103, 109 et al.). The Codex and the surrounding Foro were thus constructed to display their classical origins and to demonstrate Fascism's fulfillment of ancient prophecy by preserving yet improving upon the representative masterpieces of Roman culture. These disiecta membra from Roman authors are also used in the service of a panegyric history of Fascism; these modern allusions are analyzed with equal detail by Lamers and Reitz-Joosse. The commentary is accompanied by a list of textual variants among the three published version of the Codex, as well as a useful timeline of the Fascist period and an extensive bibliography.

"It cannot be said too often that reception studies, if they are to be taken seriously, require skills in the practitioner at least as great as those needed for more traditional studies, perhaps greater in view of their cross-disciplinary character and the consequent need for credibility within all the disciplines involved."4 Lamers and Reitz-Joosse demonstrate throughout their thorough mastery of both Latin literature and modern Italian history, and thus the volume should prove useful to scholars and students in both disciplines. The commentary skillfully interweaves contextual historical information, both ancient Roman and modern Italian, with detailed analysis of the classical grammar, syntax, and literary allusions that Amatucci employed. In the introductory narrative their conclusions are perhaps more debatable, particularly in reference to the aesthetic connections between ancient and modern works. For example, the analysis of the "Models of the Foro Mussolini" contends that "the only link between the ancient fora and their modern counterpart is that both served as spaces of political representation" (p.39) discounting the agonistic function of ancient fora and the pseudo-religious function of most Fascist spaces.5 Others may find dispute with the idea that the obelisk at the Foro Mussolini "completely excluded… such monuments' earlier Egyptian heritage" (p.52), given the presence of Egyptian obelisks throughout the city and Luigi Moretti's broadly Egyptianizing colossus of Fascism/Mussolini planned for the complex (Fig. 8.6). Yet these matters of differing interpretation do not diminish the overall high value of Lamers and Reitz-Joosse's work for classical reception studies in general and analysis of neo-Latin literature and Fascist culture in particular.

Equally significant are the ethical concerns that the scholarly analysis of Amatucci's pro-Fascist text engenders, which Lamers and Reitz-Joosse acknowledge from the outset: "By republishing the Codex and making it widely available, are we not helping its Fascist creators to achieve exactly the kind of reception they were craving?" (pp. 4–5). The publication of the volume even created a certain stir within the mainstream press, which largely sensationalized the authors' contribution as the discovery of "Mussolini's Secret Message" beneath the obelisk, as though Lamers and Reitz-Joosse were revealing the next Da Vinci Code.6 While these tactics perhaps reify an object that is better left hidden, the work of Lamers and Reitz-Joosse seeks to ensure that the Codex Fori Mussolini be read contextually and without sensational glorification as an important source for the history of Fascism, but more importantly to the field of Classics, as an artifact in the history of our discipline.



Notes:


1.   J. Arthurs Excavating Modernity: The Roman Past in Fascist Italy (Cornell University Press, 2012) 5. See also P. Baxa, Roads and Ruins: The Symbolic Landscape of Fascist Rome (University of Toronto Press 2010) and A. Kallis, The Third Rome, 1922–43: The Making of the Fascist Capital (Palgrave Macmillan 2014).
2.   Two recent dissertations are notable in this area: J. Samuels, Reclamation: An Archaeology of Agricultural Reform in Fascist Italy (Stanford University Press 2012) and V. Follo, The Power of Images in the Age of Mussolini (University of Pennsylvania Press, 2013), as well as J.S. Perry, The Roman Collegia: The Modern Evolution of an Ancient Concept. (Brill 2006).
3.   Most notably H. Lamers and B. Reitz-Joosse, "Lingua Lictoria: The Latin Literature of Italian Fascism." Classical Receptions Journal 8.2 (2016) 216–252.
4.   C. Martindale, "Reception — a new humanism? Receptivity, pedagogy, the transhistorical." Classical Receptions Journal 5.2 (2013) 170.
5.   E. Gentile, The Sacralization of Politics in Fascist Italy. Trans. K. Botsford. (Harvard University Press 1996) 102ff.
6.   E. Blakemore, "Scholars Uncover Secret Message from Mussolini," Smithsonian.com, September 1, 2016.

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