Bryn Mawr Classical Review

John Godwin, Selections from Horace Odes III: An Edition for Intermediate Students. Odes III.2, III.3, III.4, III.6. New York; London: Bloomsbury Academic, 2019. Pp. vii, 104. ISBN 9781501350184. $12.95 (pb).

Reviewed by William Turpin, Swarthmore College (wturpin1@swarthmore.edu)

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The UK edition (2018) of this work was "endorsed by OCR for use with specification OCR Level 3 Advanced GCE in Latin (H443)," which I take it means that these four poems were chosen as a set text for high school students. My own choices from book III would have been almost entirely different, but I defer to professionals with actual experience of British high schools. The focus on "Roman Odes" presumably fits with courses the Augustan regime, and indeed Godwin's introduction is particularly good on the question of "Horace and Augustus."

The edition is intended for students "who have mastered the basics and are now ready to start reading some Latin verse." The commentary does a good job of helping such students with their translations, while also highlighting poetic techniques and raising more general critical issues. The book includes a Latin-English vocabulary (unfortunately without macrons), which is one argument for adoption by anyone wanting to teach these particular four poems. Most teachers not teaching to a set curriculum will probably prefer an edition of all the odes (and epodes), such as that of Daniel Garrison, intended for students at a similar level.

The focus on four particular poems does allow the editor to raise broad problems of interpretation. But my own experience is that even the most able and engaged students will need more specificity. The short essays by David West, for example, offer clear and provocative arguments about each poem as a whole, as well as snippets of alternative views; the students thus come to class with a clear sense of the broader issues at stake, and are often able to work back to the details of language to support their own arguments. Godwin's comments tend to be more Socratic, suggesting interesting questions for an attentive reader, but requiring class discussion for fuller development. On Ode 3.2.26-29, for example, Godwin notes that Horace "neatly sidesteps the political resonance of 'faithful silence' with a reference to the famously secretive rites of Ceres." My own students would need a fuller explanation of what this actually means, and, even more important, they would probably need to be told that Horace's move from virtus (lines 17 and 21) to fideli silentio is central to understanding the poem, and requires further discussion. As teachers we are apt to forget that students find so many aspects of Latin poetry unfamiliar that they can miss the moments when an author does something creative or strange.

By the same token, my ideal commentary would do more to show students what Horace has meant to various readers over the years. It mattered to me, as a disaffected high school student, that the opening lines of 3.3 were, according to Shorey and Liang, "recited by Cornelius de Witte on the rack," and that "their repetition nerved Frederick the Great in his desperate struggle with all Europe." Even today it will interest some students that dulce et decorum est has such an iconic status in poems about war. Godwin mentions Wilfrid Owen, to be sure, but most of my students don't know the poem. More important, Owen's quotation of Horace (and Ezra Pound's, in Hugh Selwyn Mauberly) has to be seen in the broader context of non-ironic quotations, in less well-known poetry of the time, and on war memorials even after World War I.

There are a few practical changes I would suggest, to render Horace as user-friendly as possible. First, and easiest, would be macrons; not just in the vocabulary, but in the commentary and perhaps even marking naturally long vowels in the text itself. Second would be access to good digital recordings; getting students to master the sounds of Latin poetry is an uphill fight, and the combination of internet and smartphones allows us to make help readily available.

The Latin text has the stanzas printed in a way that is new to me, and off-putting: the third and fourth lines are indented so that they line up with each other, which obscures the fact that the meter of the fourth line is in fact different. And in one case there is no separation between two stanzas. These are trivial points, of course, but one of the attractions of Horace's poems are the way they are laid out onto the (modern) page.

Finally, it is confusing that the introduction uses Roman numerals to designate both the individual books of odes and the four poems from Book III included in this text; thus IV.26 refers to Carm. 3.4.26, while Odes II.7 is poem 7 of Book II. This is an edition for students new to Horace, most of whom will not be attracted automatically to these poems; it is important to remove at least the unnecessary obstacles to getting to know them.

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Simone Beta, Moi, un manuscrit: Autobiographie de l'Anthologie palatine. Translated from the Italian by Thomas Penguilly. Paris: Les Belles Lettres, 2019. Pp. 210. ISBN 9782251449296. €17.00 (pb).

Reviewed by Anne Mahoney, Tufts University (anne.mahoney@tufts.edu)

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The Palatine Anthology comes to us in a single manuscript from the tenth century, now divided into two parts, one in Heidelberg (Heid. cod. gr. 23) and the other in Paris (Bibl. Nat. gr. suppl. 384). The anthology was compiled by Constantine Cephalas early in the century, and our manuscript is a second- or third-generation copy of his work. As Alan Cameron argued in his The Greek Anthology from Meleager to Planudes (Oxford, 1993), the manuscript was further edited by Constantine of Rhodes, came to Italy after the fall of Constantinople, then belonged to Marcus Musurus for a while. He gave it to Erasmus, who gave it to Thomas More, who left it to his son-in-law John Clement, whose heirs presumably sold it. Eventually it ended up in the Palatine library in Heidelberg, but in the course of the Thirty Years War and the Napoleonic wars, it became booty passed back and forth between Heidelberg, the Vatican library, and the Bibliothèque nationale de France. The story of this manuscript, then, is a brief history of Europe in the last thousand years.

Beta's idea is to tell this story in the manuscript's own voice. It's an adventure story whose main character, the manuscript, comes into contact with many of the famous names of the Byzantine, Renaissance, and early modern periods. Some reviews of Cameron found his book dry (notably W. J. Slater in BMCR 04.06.08): this version is anything but dry.

Our manuscript is a friendly fellow who enjoys being read over by scholars and is proud to contain thousands of poems, many of which have no other surviving sources. The manuscript refers to Celphalas as his "grandfather" (p. 9) and copies made from him as his "children"; his "fathers" are the several scribes who copied and revised him (p.15). He has read his own poems and seems to know earlier Greek literature fairly well. He does not always know the motivations of the humans who have owned or studied him; perhaps he only knows what he has overheard. For example, he does not know why John Clement's collection was dispersed, or how he ended up in the hands of Friedrich Sylburg (p. 68). But he does know how a group of manuscripts were taken by Napoleon from the Vatican, then returned to Heidelberg by Pope Pius VII (p. 114, 122).

Beta follows Cameron's reconstruction of the manuscript's history, though he acknowledges in a note that not all of Cameron's conclusions have been universally accepted (p. 173). The goal of the book, though, is not to analyze Cameron's work, but to introduce the collection of epigrams. To that end, Beta quotes a sampling of some three dozen of the epigrams. Thomas Penguilly, the translator, has returned to the Greek rather than translating Beta's Italian versions, but when Beta has quoted versions by well-known poets, Penguilly gives us the Italian in a note. Some of the translations are quite clever. For example, book XIV contains some word puzzles whose solution is a series of words each one letter shorter than the previous one. Beta quotes XIV.15 (p. 30), and gives the Greek solution. The manuscript comments, "Sympa, comme jeu, n'est-ce pas?" He then proposes a simpler puzzle of the same type in Italian. Penguilly gives us a similar one in French, with a translation and solution of Beta's own in a footnote (p. 31, 146).

The book includes discussion of the early printed versions of the anthology, and a brief chapter on vernacular translations (p. 143-150), including a critique of the fairly widespread practice of putting the erotic poems into Latin rather than the language of the rest of the translation (as in Dehèque's French version, 1863, and Paton's Loeb, 1916). Another short chapter (p. 151-155) discusses the Spoon River Anthology (Edgar Lee Masters, 1914-1916) and its relationship to our anthology: a tale that shows how "d'une livre écrit il y a fort longtemps peuvent naître d'autres livres qui racontent d'autres histoires" (p. 152-153). The following chapter (p. 157-164) sketches the development of epigrammatic poetry from Martial to the Renaissance, very briefly, suggesting that Martial had read poems similar to those collected in our manuscript, perhaps even some of the very same poems (p. 160): thus our manuscript prides himself on his own part in the development of this literary genre.

In the final chapter, the manuscript observes that he is now available in facsimile online, the main portion at the University of Heidelberg and the smaller portion at the Bibliothèque nationale de France. The manuscript expresses some astonishment at "toutes ces incroyables nouveautés" (p. 168), but closes his story by reminding us that he is "quelque chose d'éternel, qui ne mourra jamais — quelque chose qui, comme tout ce qui nous vient du monde et de la culture antiques, sera toujours capable de projeter sa lumière sur notre vie de tous les jours" (p. 170).

In short, this book is lively and fun. It's great summer reading and a nice introduction both to the tradition of epigrams in Greek and to codicology, with a dash of early modern European history on the side.

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Alexander O'Hara, Jonas of Bobbio and the Legacy of Columbanus: Sanctity and Community in the Seventh Century. Oxford Studies in Late Antiquity. Oxford; New York: Oxford University Press, 2018. Pp. xv, 322. ISBN 9780190858001. $85.00. ISBN 9780190858018. ebook.

Reviewed by Michael Herren, York University; University of Toronto (aethicus@yorku.ca)

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In this interesting book, Alexander O'Hara manages to juggle three demanding topics: Jonas of Bobbio's strategies as a hagiographer exhibited in his famous Vita Columbani; the religious thought and achievement of Columbanus based on Columbanus's own writings; and the concept of monastic spirituality in the seventh century. He sets all three topics in the framework of Merovingian history and politics. These themes are distributed among seven chapters: 1. Conflicting Visions of Community: The Legacy of Columbanus; 2. New Rules: The Agrestius Affair and the Regula Benedicti; 3. An Italian Monk in Merovingian Gaul; 4. "Stilo Texere Gesta": Jonas the Hagiographer; 5. Jonas and Biblical Stylization; 6. The Miracle Accounts; 7. Sanctity and Community. O'Hara appends an up-to-date list of the manuscripts of the Vita Columbani (168 in all), a bibliography, and a full index.

Students of late antique/early medieval history are aware that Columbanus was a highly controversial figure. The saint's "contrariness" expressed itself in two areas: the theological and the pastoral. We know his stances on a variety of subjects because we have his own letters. Columbanus entered the fray of Christological controversy in his impassioned letter to Pope Boniface, in which he urged the pontiff to hold a Council to resolve the Aquileian schism, which he viewed as an impediment to the conversion of the Arians. He quarreled with another Pope and with the Gaulish bishops over the dating of Easter, maintaining the rightness of the Irish tradition in celebrating the feast based on the 84-year cycle of Anatolius. His condemnation of the concubinage of Theudebert led to his expulsion from the Merovingian kingdom. In the pastoral area, schism in his own community occurred due to his zealous enforcement of the monastic rule. The result was that a large part of the community remained at Luxeuil, Columbanus's main foundation, while Columbanus himself, some of the seniores, and a part of the Irish contingent found refuge at Bobbio in a remote corner of the Lombard Kingdom.

O'Hara deftly shows how Jonas tweaked his biography of the saint, omitting anything that would imply that he was a heretic (by continental standards), and glossing over the controversy in the community known as the "Agrestius affair" after the leader of the mutiny. He also omitted all references to the growing use of the less rigorous Rule of Benedict, which had supplanted Columbanus's regula monachorum even at Luxeuil, and the so-called regula mixta, which combined the Benedictine Rule with that of Columbanus (pp. 73-79). Above all, Jonas strove to demonstrate that Columbanus's legacy was a lasting one, overlooking modifications of the strict discipline demanded by the founding saint.

Chapters 4-6 are devoted to the techniques used by Jonas for shaping his portrait of the saint. Jonas begins his account with a discussion of his sources, mainly eyewitnesses alive at the time of Columbanus's mission. Jonas, writing "shortly after the death of Dagobert I (d. 639)" (p. 153) had become a monk at Bobbio in 616 (p. 101), only months after Columbanus's death (23 November 615). There would have been a number of younger monks who knew Columbanus and were still alive up to and at the time of writing and would have been reliable witnesses. To be sure, Jonas, who appears to have been widely read, used numerous other sources — biblical, hagiographical, patristic, and classical — to flesh out his portrait.

One would like to have more detailed discussion of the alleged classical sources, that is, to what extent did Jonas really know the classical works he alluded to, or did he get them second-hand? O'Hara lists Vergil's Aeneid, Ovid's Metamorphoses (not well known before the eleventh century), "possibly Caesar's De bello gallico", Pliny's Historia naturalis, and Varro's De lingua Latina (p. 134). The alleged Ovid parallel is convincing, but it is a single swallow. It is an intriguing possibility that Jonas knew a line from a work by the early poet Livius Andronicus rather than the historian: "Ut Livius ait, nihil esse tam sanctum religione tamque custodia clausum, quo penetrari libido nequeat" (p. 133)." Printed as such, the line looks like prose. But a scansion shows a mixture of cretics and glyconics that point to a poet rather than a prose writer. A source for the line has not been securely identified. Jonas's style is learned for its time, and it is sprinkled with occasional mythological and ancient historical allusions. However, more evidence is needed to substantiate the hypothesis that its author could have received a classical education at Susa in the seventh century.

I must also quibble with O'Hara's discussion of Jonas's knowledge of Greek. The meagre list of Jonas's Greek vocabulary (p. 143) consists of only 25 items, some of which are common Greek ecclesiastical borrowings, e.g. cenodoxia (misprinted as cendoxia), dogma, eulogiae, orthodoxa, schisma. As O'Hara acknowledges, about half of the items on the scanty list repeat the graeca in Columbanus's letters. Two of the words listed are almost certainly not Greek: baiola ("a female servant") and cathenatos. The first word, connected to the verb baiolare is not of Greek origin (see Walde-Hofmann, Ernout-Meillet, and De Vaan, s.v.); Cathenatos is probably just a misspelling of Latin catenatos, "chained" (for cathena for catena see Stotz, Handbuch zur lateinischen Sprache des Mittelalters VII 138.3).

Despite these quibbles, there is a great deal that is valuable in O'Hara's book. It portrays the continuity of a type of monasticism and set of beliefs that reflects those of the earliest phase of Irish Christianity. These include the preference for an effort-based spirituality as opposed to the reliance on grace advocated by Augustine; a limited acceptance of miracles and relics; and an historically-based biblical exegesis. But most importantly, it portrays the strategies of a highly intelligent and resourceful hagiographer, who skillfully manages to preserve the legacy of a great spiritual figure despite attempts from within and without to destroy it.

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Albert Rijksbaron, Form and Function in Greek Grammar: Linguistic Contributions to the Study of Greek Literature. Edited by R. J. Allan, E. van Emde Boas, and L. Huitink. Amsterdam studies in classical philology, 30. Leiden: Brill, 2018. Pp. xviii, 428. ISBN 9789004385771. €127,00.

Reviewed by Coulter H. George, University of Virginia (chg4n@virginia.edu)

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[Chapters are listed below.]

Where better to begin than the book's epigraph? "[T]ake languages seriously. Whenever there is some overt difference between two constructions X and Y, start out on the assumption that this difference has some kind of functionality in the linguistic system." This principle, taken from Simon Dik's Theory of Functional Grammar, underlies the scholarship of Albert Rijksbaron, many of whose most important contributions to Greek linguistics have been conveniently gathered together in this volume (with Rutger Allan, Evert van Emde Boas, and Luuk Huitink serving as capable editors). Readers will probably be most familiar with Rijksbaron's work from his Syntax and Semantics of the Verb in Classical Greek and his linguistic commentary on Plato's Ion, but there is also much to be gained from bundling together this greatest hits collection, as it brings out especially clearly the fruitfulness of the Functional Grammar approach. On a wide range of topics—particularly the tense and aspect system of the Greek verb and the discourse particles—time after time, Rijksbaron's careful attention to the contextual circumstances that differ when two competing forms are used reveals previously unnoticed patterns that can help all classicists better understand the nuances conveyed by an imperfect in Hesiod, or an aorist imperative in Plato. To illustrate how this plays out in greater detail, what follows will first focus on three representative chapters from the collection, then skim more briefly over the rest.

Consider first Chapter 2, which discusses the Greek perfect. First published in 1984, it does an especially good job of questioning the existence of the so-called resultative perfect, but because it has only now been translated from the original Dutch, it should finally receive the attention it deserves. About a century ago, both Wackernagel and Chantraine had noted a shift in the usage of the perfect between Homer and Classical Attic: transitive perfect actives, often marked by a kappa, start to gain ground relative to earlier, mostly intransitive perfects, with e.g. πέπεικα "I have persuaded" coming into existence alongside older πέποιθα "I trust". According to these heavyweights of Greek linguistics, all these perfects indicate a state consequent upon some previous action, but, whereas the older forms highlight the state of the subject, the newer ones are said to emphasize the resulting state of the object, and were thus dubbed resultative perfects. But while a shift in the center of gravity of the perfect is undeniable, Rijksbaron rightly has reservations about the Wackernagel–Chantraine model and attacks it in two main ways. First, he shows that some of the perfects that Chantraine had adduced as object-oriented are in fact just as subject-oriented as ever. For instance, when Herodotus writes Ἀχελῴου, ὃς ... τῶν Ἐχινάδων νήσων τὰς ἡμισέας ἤδη ἤπειρον πεποίηκε "... Achelous, which ... has already made half of the Echinades islands to be mainland" (2.10.3), one might, in isolation, take this as justification of the resultative reading, as the state of the islands would seem to be more important than that of the Achelous. But, as Rijksbaron points out (p. 47), the words that precede—εἰσὶ δὲ καὶ ἄλλοι ποταμοί, οὐ κατὰ τὸν Νεῖλον ἐόντες μεγάθεα, οἵτινες ἔργα ἀποδεξάμενοι μεγάλα εἰσί· τῶν ἐγὼ φράσαι ἔχω οὐνόματα καὶ ἄλλων καὶ οὐκ ἥκιστα Ἀχελῴου... "There are also other rivers, not so great as the Nile, that have wrought great effects; I could declare their names, but chief among them is Achelous"—show that this is a passage about the standing of rivers, not that of the Echinades, and so it is the subject, not the object, of πεποίηκε whose state is more relevant here. Second, whereas the traditional account sees the perfect as falling together with the aorist remarkably early, Rijksbaron shows that the difference between the two tenses remains intact well into the Hellenistic period. In Sophocles' Philoctetes 923–4 and 940, for instance, Chantraine had regarded the verb tenses in Philoctetes' τί μ', ὦ ξένε, | δέδρακας; ("Stranger, what have you done to me?") and οἷ' ἔργ' ὁ παῖς μ' ἔδρασεν οὑξ Ἀχιλλέως ("the wrongs Achilles' son has done to me") as functionally equivalent. But, as Rijksbaron points out (p. 49), the contexts differ: the perfect is used in the former, when the agent, Neoptolemus, is still around to be blamed in the present, whereas, once Philoctetes is alone again, the aorist simply registers the occurrence of the event in the past. As a coda, Rijksbaron goes on to show that the distinction is still active as late as the Rosetta Stone (196 BC), where the aorist remains the main narrative tense, with the perfect reserved for events considered in light of their present significance.

In all of this, the presentation is a model of clarity, and my only complaint is the unfair one that he did not occasionally go even further in pressing his advantage. For instance, in preparing the translation from the original Dutch article (which only cited examples in Greek), the editors have used Godley's translation of Herodotus' οἵτινες ἔργα ἀποδεξάμενοι μεγάλα εἰσί ("that have wrought great effects"), which obscures the fact that the finite verb in the relative clause is in fact the stative εἰσί, thereby providing additional evidence for taking πεποίηκε as similarly stative in the parallel ὃς ... πεποίηκε clause. One might also have noted that the marvelous personification inherent in making rivers the agent of ἔργα ἀποδεξάμενοι—a phrase so thematically important to Herodotus—further increases the extent to which this passage is organized from their perspective. Likewise, in discussing the Sophoclean near-minimal pair, one wants to know more: the perfect is second-person and in a direct question, the aorist third-person and in a subordinate clause; do either of these features correlate more broadly with the distribution of the two tenses, as one might expect given Rijksbaron's argumentation? Furthermore, with the hindsight of an additional thirty-five years of research, it is also tempting to suggest that the change in the perfect can be connected to the past indicative augment's having become obligatory. If the perfect is preferred in direct speech and with first- and second-person subjects, this would match the conditions under which the augment is favored with the aorist in Homer,¹ and the growth of the transitive perfect could be seen as a response to the loss of a distinction formerly marked by the presence or absence of the augment in the aorist indicative.

While the other chapters in the volume mostly present material that is comparatively accessible already, unexpected insights arise from assembling it in one place. Scholars of Hesiod's Theogony will probably have come across Rijksbaron's 2009 chapter on discourse cohesion in the proem (Chapter 9 in the current collection), with its discussion, in particular, of the notorious imperfect στεῖχον in line 10, which M. L. West had argued was a timeless imperfect (for which there are no good parallels) before labeling it an injunctive (a form that is only functionally distinct in Sanskrit). Rijksbaron instead opts for the view that this is a focalizing imperfect—that is, it presents the Muses' approach as a habitual occurrence experienced by Hesiod the character, rather than as an omnitemporal activity recorded by Hesiod the omniscient narrator. Now, in the original chapter, which was presenting a linguistic commentary on the whole of the first 115 lines, Rijksbaron did not have enough space to lay out fully all the parallels that are available as supporting evidence. So it is especially welcome that readers can now also find, in the same volume, a 2012 chapter (here Chapter 7) that puts the Hesiodic passage in the context of a more fully developed account of other such imperfects (here dubbed imperfects of "substitutionary perception", a term that is more targeted, but unfortunately also more opaque to the narratologically uninitiated). The class of imperfects to which στεῖχον belongs thereby becomes clearer, and the argument as a whole more persuasive.

Since space does not permit a detailed examination of the remaining chapters, it will be best now to step back and outline some major themes that emerge from the rest of the collection. First, tense and aspect loom large elsewhere as well. Chapter 3, working with evidence from Herodotus, deals with imperfects that, at the start of a passage, create the expectation of a narrative to follow; Chapter 5 also focuses on the imperfect, arguing that many supposed historical presents in Sophocles and Euripides (like καλεῖ at S. OT 1245) should in fact be printed as unaugmented imperfects (κάλει), since the events they describe are not decisive enough for the historical present to have been the appropriate tense for them. Chapters 4 and 6 both look at the fundamental division of aspect encoded by the present and aorist stems: the former contrasts Plato's use of λέγε and εἰπέ (the present invites interlocutors to keep speaking; the aorist asks them to establish a particular point), while the latter advocates for the present infinitive ἀκροᾶσθαι (rather than aorist ἀκροάσασθαι) at Ion 530d9, since σχολή, upon which the infinitive is dependent, typically calls for the more open-ended present infinitive. The embeddedness of language in dialogue also emerges as important: Chapter 8 investigates how much information Euripidean messengers are allowed to take for granted at the start of their speeches; Chapter 10 distinguishes between ἔφη and ἦ δ' ὅς as inquit formulae in Plato's dialogues, arguing that the former continues a line of discussion, whereas the latter closes it off (note the obligatory δέ); Chapter 17 considers whether Ancient Greek has a word for "no" (spoiler alert: no, it does not); and Chapter 19 not only posits that the difference between a πεῦσις and an ἐρώτησις is that between a wh-question and a yes-no question, but also observes that Pseudo-Longinus' On the Sublime mimetically illustrates both types of question in its discussion of them (18.1).

Finally, the linguistic means of establishing discourse cohesion form a strand common to several of the pieces. In addition to Chapter 9, covering the proem of Hesiod's Theogony, Chapter 11 teases apart the differences between Herodotus' use of preposed and postposed οὗτος with proper names (if δέ is present, then the former marks the topic as salient, the latter does not; if δέ is absent, preposed οὗτος marks both the topic and the proposition as salient); Chapter 15 shows that, in the combination καὶ ... δέ, it is καί that is the connective particle, with δέ indicating that the second element should be taken as a new entity in its own right, most often yielding the meaning "and for that matter"; and Chapter 16 shows the extent to which Xenophon only rarely gives Κῦρος an article in the Anabasis (since it is primarily a continuous narrative, there's less need to deploy the article in its strong anaphoric function to highlight the referent), but uses it considerably more in the Cyropaedia (where the anaphoric article is more at home, since the work is structured as a sequence of detached scenes).

The final chapter in the volume at first glance looks like the odd one out, insofar as it is an examination of the dozens of commentaries on Xenophon's Anabasis published over the last two hundred years. While its first half is indeed more or less what one would expect of such a piece—a look at broader differences in commentary publication in the US, UK, and Germany in (especially) the nineteenth century—the second half serves as a salutary cautionary tale that even so often-read a sentence as the very opening of the Anabasis was misunderstood by the vast majority of commentators, who fall demonstrably short in explaining both the genitive Δαρείου καὶ Παρυσάτιδος and the present tense γίγνονται. Thanks to Rijksbaron's efforts, however, classicists now have a much better understanding of such syntactic matters, and his elucidation of these particular points provides a fitting close to the volume.

Table of Contents

Introduction
1. A Review of: H. Hettrich, Kontext und Aspekt in der altgriechischen Prosa Herodots
2. The Greek Perfect: Subject versus Object
3. The Discourse Function of the Imperfect
4. Sur les emplois de λέγε et εἰπέ chez Platon
5. On False Historic Presents in Sophocles (and Euripides)
6. Ἀκροᾶσθαι or ἀκροάσασθαι (Plato, Ion 530d9)?
7. The Imperfect as the Tense of Substitutionary Perception
8. How Does a Messenger Begin His Speech? Some Observations on the Opening Lines of Euripidean Messenger Speeches
9. Discourse Cohesion in the Proem of Hesiod's Theogony
10. On the Syntax and Pragmatics of inquit Formulae in Plato's Narrated Dialogues
11. Sur quelques différences entre οὗτος ὁ + substantif, οὗτος δὲ ὁ + substantif, ὁ δὲ + substantif + οὗτος chez Hérodote
12. Sur les emplois de ἐάν et ἐπεάν (à propos d'Euripide, Bacchae 50–51)
13. The Syntax and Semantics of Expressions of Sorrow and Related Concepts in Homer
14. The Meaning and Word Class of πρότερον and τὸ πρότερον
15. Adverb or Connector? The Case of καὶ … δέ
16. Sur l'article avec nom propre
17. Does Ancient Greek Have a Word for 'No'? The Evidence from οὐκοῦν (…) οὐ Questions
18. The Treatment of the Greek Middle Voice by the Ancient Grammarians
19. A Question of Questions: peusis, erôtêsis and [Longinus] Περὶ ὕψους 18.1
20. The Xenophon Factory: One Hundred and Fifty Years of School Editions of Xenophon's Anabasis

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Notes:

1.   For the tendency of the Homeric augment to occur more often in character speech than in narrative, especially with perfect-like aorists, see Andreas Willi, Origins of the Greek Verb (Cambridge, 2018), pp. 369–72.

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Books Received August 2019.

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This list contains all books and notifications of new books received in the previous month by BMCR. Potential reviewers should not respond to this email, but should use the request form linked here (Books Available for Review). Some books listed in this email may already have been assigned to reviewers.)

Akçay, K. Nilüfer. Porphyry's On the cave of the nymphs in its intellectual context. Studies in Platonism, Neoplatonism, and the Platonic Tradition, volume 23. Leiden: Brill, 2019. xii, 218 p. €105,00. ISBN 9789004407596.

Álvarez Melero, Anthony. "Matronae equestres": la parenté féminine des chevaliers romains originaires des provinces occidentales sous le Haut-Empire romain (I-IIIe siècles). Institut historique belge de Rome. Etudes, 4. Bruxelles: Belgisch Historisch Instituut te Rome, 2018. 395 p. €85,00 (pb). ISBN 9789074461887.

Bagnall, Roger S. and Gaëlle Tallet (ed.). The Great Oasis of Egypt: the Kharga and Dakhla oases in antiquity. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 2019. 400 p. $120.00. ISBN 9781108482165.

Bakowska-Czerner, Grazyna and Rafa Czerner (ed.). Greco-Roman cities at the crossroads of cultures: the 20th anniversary of Polish- Egyptian conservation mission Marina el-Alamein. Oxford: Archaeopress, 2019. vi, 311 p. $96.00 (pb). ISBN 9781789691481.

Bauhaus, Stefan Heinrich. Olof Rudbeck der Jüngere und die Sprachen des Nordens: zwischen Gotizismus und Orthodoxie. Transformationen der Antike, Band 57. Berlin; Boston: De Gruyter, 2019. viii, 225 p. €79,95. ISBN 9783110620122.

Baumbach, Manuel, Horst Sitta and Fabian Zogg (ed., trans.). Griechische Kleinepik: griechisch-deutsch. Sammlung Tusculum. Berlin; Boston: De Gruyter, 2019. 284 p. €39,95. ISBN 9783110534207.

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